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THE SOCIETY

Biblical Archaeology,

9, CONDUIT STREET, W.

VOL. II.

LONDON:

LONGMANS, GREEN, READER, AND DYER,

PATERNOSTER ROW.

1873.

HARRtSON AND SONS,
PRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HF.R MAJESTT,
ST. martin's lANt.

CONTENTS OF VOL. IL

PAGE

On some recent Discoveries in South- Western Arabia.

By Capt. W. r. Peideaux, F.R.G.S. (Map).... i- 28

On the Religious Belief of the Assyrians. Nos. II.

and III. By H. Fox Talbot, D.O.L 29- 79

On Joseph's Tomb in Sechem. By Peof. Donaldson,

K.L., Ph.D. (Plate) 80- 82

On a n Conjugation as a character of early Shemitic

Speech. By R. Cull, F.S.A 83-109

On the coincidence of the Histories of Ezra and

Nehemiah. By Rev. Daniel Haigh, M.A 110-113

Remarks upon a Terra Cotta (Assyrian) Vase. By

Rev. J. M. Rodwell, M.A. (Plate).... 114-118

The Synchronous History of Assyria and Babylonia.

By Rev. A. H. Sayce, M.A 119-145

Note on the New Moabite Stone 146

On the Date of the Fall of Nineveh and the Beginning
of the Reign of Nebuchadnezzar. By J. W.
BosANQUBT, F.R.A.S. (Three Plates) 147-178

The Legend of Ishtar descending to Hades. By H.

Fox Talbot, D.C.L 179-212

The Chaldean Account of the Deluge. By Gboege

Smith 213-234

On the Phoenician Passage in the Poenulus of Plautus.

By Rev. J. M. Rodwell, M.A 235-242

On Nimrod and the Assyrian Inscriptions. By Rev.

A. H. Sayce, M.A 243-249

Translation of an Egyptian Hymn to Amen. By

C. W. Goodwin, M.A 250-263

Illustrations from Borneo of Passages in the Book

of Genesis. By Alex. Mackenzie Cameeon 264-266

IV CONTENTS.

PAGB

On the Identity of Ophir and Taprobane, and their

Site indicated. By Alex. Mackenzie Cameron.... 267-288

The Olympiads in connexion with the Golden Age of

Greece. By W. R. A. Boyle, Esq 289-300

Note on Egyptian Prepositions. By P. Le Page

Renouf 301-320

On a New Fragment of the Assyrian Canon belonging
to the reigns of Tiglath-Pileser and Shalmaneser.
By George Smith 321-332

Note on M. Lenormant's " Lettre sur I'lnscription
Dedicatoire flimyaritique du Temple du Dieu
Yat'a a Abian." By Capt. W. F. Prideaux, 333-345

On the Religious Belief of the Assyrians, No. IV.

By H. Fox Talbot, F.R.S 346-352

Egyptian Hymns to Amen. By C,W. Goodwin, M.A. 353-359

Illustrations of the Prophet Daniel from the Assyrian

Writings. By H. Fox Talbot, F.R.S 360-364

Index to Vol. II i-xv

List of Members xvi-xxiv

Society of Biblical Archaeology, Rules of xxv-xxvi

TRANSACTIONS

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.

Vol. II. JULY, 1873. PartI.

ON SOME RECENT DISCOA^ERIES IN
SOUTH-WESTERN ARABIA.

By Captain W. F. Prideaux, T.R.G.S., Bombay Staff Corps.

Head ^th January, 1873.

Op tlie earliest inhabitants of tliose countries wliich fringe
the southern shores of the Red Sea, no records now exist.
But there is Kttle doubt that they belonged to a branch of
that great Cushite race, whose extinction is perhaps the most
wonderful of all the vicissitudes of history.' The founders
of civilisation in the East, preeminently of a materialistic
and constructive genius, and apparently endowed with every
element of permanence, it might have been supposed that
these peoples would have been the last to decay and make
room for others.

The discoveries of late years have furnished us with
abundant evidence that, in addition to being the mightiest
architects the world has ever known, these early Cushites
were careful astronomers, painstaking historians, skilful
agriculturists ; but whilst the massive ruins of Nineveh and

1 Eenan, Histoire Generale des Langues Semitic[ues, ptie. i, 1863, pp. 59, GO, 321.
Vol. II. 1

2 On some recent Discoveries in South- Westeim Arabia.

Babylon remain, their builders liavc passed away into an
ethnographical enigma.

^^liilst we may safely assume that the first settlers on
either coast of Bab-cl-lMandeb were of kincbed race to the
giant builders in the plain of Shinar, and were themselves
identical in origin, theii* future destinies were widely different.
Centuries passed away and left the western shore undisturbed
by invasion, or even immigration, but the influence of a neigh-
bouring Semite people gradually made itself felt among the
Cushite race inhabiting Southern Arabia, and eventually, by a
process which must have resembled a revolution, became the
ruling element in the country. In the tenth chapter of the
Book of Genesis these two races are respectively designated
under the names of b^lD Seha the son of Gush, and ^2!^
Sheha the son of Joktan, and from the mention of the former
people in two places in Isaiah, it is evident that the amalga-
mation (or whatever may be the appropriate term) must have
taken place subsequent to the time of that prophet. From
the lofty statiu-e of the people of Seba (Isaiah xlv, 14), and
li-om other indications, Gaussin de Perceval is of opinion that
the people of 'Ad, ftimed in early tradition as the original
inhabitants of Yemen, and the builders of the celebrated
Irem Dhat-al-'Imad in Abyan, ^ were no other than the
Gushite Saba3ans, and that those who were discontented with
the new order of thuigs fled to the opposite coast of the Red
Sea, and became the ancestors of the present Abyssinians, an
Arabo-Cushite people super-imposed upon an Africo-Gushite
stock. 2

The amalgamation of the two peoples probably took place
about B.C. 700, or a few years after the death of Isaiah, as
the name of Seba is nev^er found in the sacred writings of a
later date. I am inclined to think that the JEra, of the
Himyarites must be attributed to this period ; at all events,
the only two dates with which we are acquainted in the

^ There still exists a village called 'Imad, on the bovilcrs of Abyan, about
seven miles from Aden, but the Arabs are quite ignorant of any tradition attach-
ing to the spot.

^ Caussin de Perceval, Essai sur rilistoirc des Arabcs avant I'lslamisme,
torn, i, pp. 42, et seq.

On some recent Discoveries in Soiith-Western Arabia. 3

inscriptions would seem to countenance tliis liypotliesis.'
But although the name of Seba was lost, and that of Sheba
alone is found in the Hebrew records, the absence of the
letter shin from the Greek and Roman alphabets, and the
practice of the Arabs in writing Hebrew words to confound
samecli with sliin, has caused the united races to be commonly
designated Sabasans (more correctly, Shabteans), and later
stni, Himyarites, probably from their practice of inscribing
and daubing with red their public buildings.

Whatever may have been the form of government in
Yemen anterior to the Shabsean occupation, there is clear
proof that it was monarchial in later times, and from the
designation of the king, Malik, it may be inferred that it was
of the same patriarchal type as we are acquainted vv^ith in
the earlier days of Hebrew history. ^ These iShabsean kings,
and their nobles, appear to have become rapidly assimilated
to the ancient owners of the soil. The Himyaritic was still
retained as the court language ; the constructive habits of
the people lost nothing by the change. Though it is pro-
bable that the city of Zliafar was built in very early times
(Gen. X, 30), and though Marib and Maryab formed, as we
are told by Al-Hamdani, two tribes of the 'Arab-al-'Arabiya,
or prse-Kahtanide Arabs ; the massive structures of Hisn
Ghorab, Nakb-al-Hajar, the Dyke of Marib, the cities of
Najran, 'Amran, Sabwah, and the far-famed palaces of
Ghomdan, Sahlin, Kaukaban, Sirwah and Na'it, may be
ascribed to the period included between the year B.C. 700
and the Christian era.

^ The date mentioned in the Hadhramaut inscription of Wrode (pullished by
the Baron Ton Maltzan) must belong to a different ^ra to that of the Himyarites
(see postea, p. 19).

2 It is curious to obserre the light thrown upon the character of ancient races
by the simple name attaching to their chief magistrate. Whilst the Grerman
tribes chose as theii' chief and leader the wisest of them all, the one cunning of
head and cunning of hand, and the law-abiding Romans a director and regulator,
the possessor of the largest flocks and herds, the most extensive pastures, pre-
ferred the best claim to power amongst the ancient Semites, though as the
wielder of that power he was, as a shaikh of the present day is, only primus inter
pares. On the other hand, the root employed by the African Cushites, NGS,
implies, both in ^thiopic tCi\ and in Arabic jjofcrsT, absolute command
and compelling power, and the term derived from it aptly becomes the ruler
of the plastic but faithless-natured Aby.ssinians.

4 On some recent Discoveries in South-Western Arabia.

Up to a recent period Ave possessed no sources of infor-
mation regarding the great Himyaritic kingdom except the
semi-fabulous statements contained in the writings of the
Arab historians, Hamza of Ispahan, Abu-1-Fida, Tl^n-Khaldim,
Nowau'i, &c., and a few passages to be found in the Greek
and Roman geographers. But at the time when the former
wi'ote the mists of tradition had gathered very closely over
the history which they professed to tell, and mythical nar-
ratives of expeditions into China and Central Asia from the
soTith-western corner of Arabia, filled up the space which
would have been better devoted to a desciiption of the
country itself, its domestic annals, its laws, institutions, and
manners. It is true that there have lately come to light in
Yemen some valuable manuscripts of an ancient authority^
Abu ]\lohammed Al-Hasan bin Ahmed bin Ya'kub, a native of
Ham dan m Yemen, "who in his two great works, the Iklil fi
Ansab, and the Kitab Jazirat-al-'Arab, displays a wealth of
antiquarian erudition and of geographical lore, which in our
present state of knowledge renders them indispensably neces-
sary to the student of ancient Arabian history. But we must
recollect that even Al-Hamdani lived as late as three hundi-ed
years after the fall of the Himyaritic kingdom, and that it
rarely happens that after such an interval events can be
orally handed down to posterity without grievous distortion.

The geographical evidence is of greater moment, for
though fragmentary in the extreme, it enables us to fix, as
1 believe AAath tolerable exactitude, the age of tlie more im-
portant monuments which late discoveries have brought to
light, and which from their extent may be reasonabl}^ assumed
to belong to the more flourishing period of tlie Himyaritic
kingdom.

Within the last few years, however, we have become
possessed of numerous memorials of the people themselves,
and these furnish us in some measure with those details
which the Arab wiiters, who limited themselves to recording
little more than what is conventionally termed history, that
is, the names, genealogies, and deeds of royal personages,
have omitted to supply. The most important of these
contemporaneous monuments are the tablets of stone and

On some recent Discoveries in South- Western Arabia. 5

brouze wliicli abound in all the ruiiied cities of Yemen and
Hadln-amaut; coins; and works of art. Of the first, seventy
or eighty have been brought to Aden from the interior, the
greater number of which have found a resting place in the
Britisii Museum, whilst we possess between 700 and 800
copies of other inscriptions discovered i7i situ by Wellsted,
Cruttenden, Arnaud, Halevy, and others. To M. Halevy we
are indebted for no less than 686 of these inscriptions. The
majority, it is true, are mere fragments, and several of them
are so incorrectly copied as to be almost useless. The general
results of these discoveries are, hoAvever, of the highest im-
portance, and they will be briefly commented on below.

It was for a considerable time doubted whether any
Himyaritic coins existed. In 1868, however, the industry
and vigilance of M. Adrien de Longperier, the eminent French
numismatist, were rewarded by discovering in a silver piece
supposed to be of Sassanide origin, an undoubted Himyaritic
com, bearing on the reverse, in unmistakeable characters, the
word h H ? ^ Baidcin, the well-knoAvn seat of the Sabasan
monarchy.^ The remainder of the inscription and the two
monograms, one on either side, have not been satisfactorily
deciphered, though, were a second specimen discovered and
compared, the difficulties attendant on the great similarity
of several of the Himyaritic characters would probably be
solved. Each side of the coin bears a head, adorned with
long ringlets, such as, from the epithet (Dhu Nowas) applied
to one of the latest of the race, we are led to believe the
Himyaritic kings affected. M. de Longperier is of opinion
that the date of this coin is not later than the destruction
of the great dyke at Marib, which Caussin de Perceval fixes
at about the year a.d. 120.

In the Annual Report of the Royal Asiatic Society, read on
the 15tli May, 1871, it is mentioned that Capt. S. B. Miles
had presented the Society with two Himyaritic coins, a silver
and a gold one, and, the Report adds, " the first liitherto dis-
covered." This statement, however, as we have seen above,
is not quite correct.

I have not seen Captfiin Miles' coins, and can therefore
1 Revue Numismatiquc, 1868, p. 169.

0 On some recent Discoveries in South- Western Arabia.

form no opinion about tlieiu, but from the five or six specimens
Avliicli I have been fortunate enough to bring to hght myself,
it is clear to me that they owe their origin to the influence of
Greek art in the country. The most ancient coin which I
liave been able to discover is an archaic drachma of Athens,
bearing on the obverse the head of Athena, and on the
reverse the figure of an owl. On the face of Athena is
stamped the Himyaritic letter \, probably the initial of
the name of the king in whose time the coin was current;
another small silver coin, also forwarded by mo to the British
]\Iuseum, bears the head of a young man on the obverse, and
the figure of an owl on the reverse. On a coin lately
brought into Aden (which unfortunately I was not able to
secure) the fig-ui'e of an owl also appears on the reverse,
but whilst the representations on the two coins referred to
above were of indisputably Greek workmanship, the latter
coin was as evidently the outcome of a native die, the owl
being a complete travesty of the Attic bii'd, and the head of
the king on the obverse being concinnatus, and placed between
two monograms. A Himyaritic monogram is not unlike an
English one, and may generally mean anything, according
to the fancy of the reader, but the word " Yanaf '' is, I think,

not to be mistaken in the fic-ure li , M^hilst the other one
might as easily be dissected into " Samah'ali." There was
more than one piince of the name of " Samah'ali Yanaf," and
though it is of course impossible to assign this coin to any
one of these in particular, it may be safely affirmed that its
date is anterior to A.D. 120.

It is pretty clear, from an examhiation of tlicsc coins, that
whilst the earlier princes were content to adopt the coinage
of Greece, and to convert it to their own purposes by simply
affixing a distinguishing mark, the later kings had a mint of
their own in the palace of Raidan, from whence issued various
types of coin. No two of those that I have seen are exactly
similar.

Of the state of art amongst the ancient Himyarites we
know but little, and the few specimens tliat have come
down to UK would lead us to suppose that in this matter
I'abylonian and Egyptian inilucnce predominated. A few

On some recent Discoveries in Soutli-Western Arabia. 7

bas-reliefs in stone and alabaster exist, representing men in
profile with long hair, either walking or riding on camels,
and wearing a kind of short tunic with a guxUe ; two of
these are engraved in Dr. Wilson's Lands of the Bihle,^ and
a third was presented to the Royal Asiatic Society last year
by Captain Miles. I recently met with a fourth, representing
a man apparently starting on the chase, and attended by
two dogs, who were springing upon him; this was con-
siderably larger than those above mentioned, and differed
from them m being headed with a long inscription (unfortu-
nately in fragments), whilst the others merely had the words
" Picture of So-and-So," sculptured in relief above them.

Cruttenden, in his Narrative of a Journey to Sand, states
that he found in the Imam's garden a marble head, apparently
of some ancient object of idolatry, which he was able to
carry off with him. 1 have also in my possession a marble
head, which I presume is similar to that discovered by Crut-
tenden, though I am told it was found at Marib. The head
is evidently that of a female goddess, or caryatid, nearly life-
size, and with features of a distinct African (Cushite) type.
The iconoclastic zeal of the early proselytisers of Yemen has
probably spared but few of these relics.

These specimens tend to prove that the native art of the
Sabaeans was in an undeveloped state, and, such as it was,
was borrowed from the kindred races of Assyria, Babylonia,
and Egypt. But there is no doubt that as the wealth and
influence of the Sabsean kings increased, large importations of
works of art were made by the Greek and Roman vessels
trading with the ports of Yemen, the chief of which was
then, as now, Aden. The author of the Periplus informs us
that in his time silver and gold plate, and brass ware
(')(aXKovpyf]/iiaTa) were largely imported. In the latter
category must, I think, be placed a very spirited little head
of a lynx, with its fore quarters in the act of springing, which
was recently dug up at 'Amran (the city where the majority
of the British Museum Inscriptions were found), and is now
in the national collectioji. The shoulders of the lynx are
encircled with a garland of vine and ivy leaves, and though
1 Vol. ii, Edin., 1817, p. 747.

8 On some recent Discoveries in Soutli-We stern Arabia.

it originally perhaps formed part of an article of furniture,
we can scarcely err in describing it as an emblem of the
Dionysiac worship, of which, from the time of Herodotus
downwards, Arabia was one of the principal seats.

In proceeding to inquire into the historical facts con-
veyed to us by the inscriptions, and their date, it will be
well to glance first of all at the discoveries of M. Joseph
Halevy in Yemen, the results of which are published, Avith-
out note or comment, in the Journal Asiatique of February-
March, 1872.

i\I. Halevy's inscriptions, 686 in number, are divided into
eleven classes, namely, those discovered in (1) Sana and its
en\m-ons; (2) the Beled Khaulan ; (3) the Beled Arhab;
(4) the Beled Nehm ; (5) the Beled ELumdan ; (6) the Lower
Jauf; (7) the Beled Nejran; (8) the Upper Jauf; (9) the
"Wadi Rahaba; (10) the Wadi Abida; and, finally, those found
by him in Aden on his return, of uncertain origin. Of these,
those chscovered in the Beled Hamdan are by far the most
important, as they satisfactoiily demonstrate the existence
of a large and powerful monarchy, independent of the
kingdom of Sabjl, though from one or two indications
{H. 354) ' I am inclined to think the two states may have
occasionally been under the sway of one and the same ruler.
M. Halevy believes, with much plausibility, that the kingdom
(the capital of which appears to have been situated at the
modern Ma'in) represents the great nation of the Minseans^
{Mlvoloi fxe<ya eOvos), and it must be admitted that, geo-
graphically speaking, there is much to be said for this hypo-
thesis. The accompanying rough map, for which I am
indebted to the Baron de Maltzan, Avill give some idea of

' Reference to the inscriptions discovered bv Arnaiid and Halevy will he
made by the letters A and H, followed by the number of the inscrijjtion in their
respective collections.

2 The name of U O ^ more closely approaches that of the Manita of
Ptolemy, but the position of this tribe would appear to be too far to the
nortlnvard. There can be little doubt that the OehanitcB of Pliny, through
whose territory all the incense was carried (Lib. xii, cap. 32), are represented
by the HpinillTn "^ ^^' ^^"' ^^' (sometimes written in the
inscription. ^^W^\^^ ^).

On some recent Discoveries in Souih-Westeni Aarbia. U

the position of Main inrolation to Saba, as well as afford a
sketch of M. Halevy's route and of the field of Hirayaritic
exploration, so far as it is at present known.

A considerable number of the kings of Ma'in are mentioned
in the inscriptions, and from these lists it appears to have
been a common practice for the father to associate himself
with the son in the sovereignt}^, whence we may infer that,
as in the later days of the Roman Empire, the dynasty did
not always feel itself very secure. The following are the
principal reigns we find recorded: Il-yafa' Yatha' and his son
Ma'di-Kariba ; Ab-yada' Yatha' and his son Khal-Kariba
Sjidik ; Yatha'-il Rayyara and his son Tobba'-Kariba ; Yatha'-
il Sadik and his son Wakah-il Yatha', and again the latter's
son Il-yafti' Yashar ; who was probably the father of Hafnam
Rayyam ; Il-yafa' Rayyam and his sons Hawwaf-'Atht, and
Wakah-il. The names of two other joint kings are also
given : Hafnam Sadik and Il-yashar.

The present state of our knowledge does not permit us
to determine with accuracy the sequence of these reigns,
but I believe the order I have followed above is tolerably
correct. This dynasty probably reigned between B.C. 100
and A.D. 200.

The gods chiefly worshipped in Ma'in were difi'ereni to
those whose names we so frequently find in the Sabaaan
inscriptions. Tlie following list is taken from the 485tli
inscription of M. Halevy, and contams, I believe, all those
of wdiich we have any information, although the incom-
pleteness of the series is shown by the words which

terminate it: IhO^IX'lh'lrSllA® tva-kul Al'ilat
Man, " and all the gods of Ma'in : " 'Athtor of the East,
'Athtor Dhu Kabdh, Wadd, Nakarah, and 'Athtor Dhu
Yalirak. Of these the name of Wadd occurs in the Surah
called Noah, LXXI, 22, and he is stated to have been a deity
of the tribe of Kalb. Of the other divinities mentioned
above we know nothing.

That Ma'in, the city in Avhich these valuable inscriptions
were discovered, is a place of great antiquity is proved by
Al-Hamdani, who, writing circa A.H. oOO, remarks that
his time it was in ruins and iminhabited.

10 On some recent Dlscovenes in South-Western Arabia.

M. Ilalcvy has also brought to hght the existence of
another small kingdom, whose capital was the city (hajar) of
Haram, the modern Medinet-Haram. Only the names of
two of the kings are mentioned : Yadhmar-lMalik and his
son Watr-il Dharah. The principal deity worshipped in
Haram appears to have been a goddess under the name
of IMatabintain.

The kmgdom of Hadhramaut is once mentioned in the
inscriptions of M. Halevy (No. 193), whose travels did not
extend further to the eastward than Marib. This was one of
the largest and most powerful of the Himyaritc pruicipalities,
and an apocr^qohal list of its kings (in which however we
are able to perceive a fair gliunnering of light) is preserved
by Ibn Khaldun. Its capital, Shabwat (British Museum, 6)
has been identified by Osiander with (1) Sabota, the chief
town of the Atramitas of Pliny ; (2) the Sanbatha of
Ptolemy ; (3) the Sabbatha of the Periplus ; and (4) the
Sabwah of the Kdmns. To these may be added the Shabwah
enumerated amongst the fortified towns of Hadhramaut by
Al-Hamdjini.

We now come to the principal seat of the Himyarite
monarchy, the kingdom of Saba, whose capital was originally
Zhafar, and subsequently Marib, although the opposite is
generally supposed to be the case. Setting aside, however,
the mention of " Sephar a mount of the east," in the thirtieth
verse of the tenth chapter of Genesis, we find from the inscrip-
tions that the formal and ofiicial title of the rulers of this
district was " ]\Ialik Saba wa Dhu Raidan," that is, king of
the whole country of the Saboeans and of Zliafar, the name
of whose citadel or palace was Raidan, or Dhu-Raidiln.
As considerable misapprehension has hitherto existed in re-
gard to this place, the oi'dinary opinion being, from the time
of Salt downwards, that the name of Raidan represents a
town in modern times called Raida, Avhich is situated not far
from San'a, I am glad to be able, with the help of Al-Ham-
dani, to set the question finally at rest. It is true there is a
toAvn at the present day called llaida, the cliicf stronghold of
the 'Asiri tribe until its capture by the Turks last year, and
there may bo others in the country, but the Raidan of the

On some recent Discoveries in South-Western Arabia. 11

inscription is "the palace of tlie kingdom at Zhaftir '
(,Uli) <JXi^-« r*^-')* It is frequently mentioned in the highest
terms of eulogy by the royal poets, 'Alkama Dhu Yazan^ and
Asa'd Tobba'. The former says with reference to its lofty
position :

•5) i

*' The foundations of a tank were laid at Dhu Raidaii
" Upon the loftiest pinnacle of a rock."

This cistern at Dhu Raidan is further described by 'Alkaraa
as resembling the ancient edifices of 'Ad : " Kmgs," he says,
"have despoiled it; but not a king from among them shall
return." ^

The following is a quotation from a long poem by Asa'd
Tobba' :

• ^^ _ ~ s.

" And Raidan is my castle at Zhafar and my mansion :
" In it my ancestor built our palaces and cisterns.
" Upon the green paradise of the land of Yahsab
" Eighty dams discharge their flowing waters."

^ This 'Alkama must not be confounded witli the more famous 'Alkama the
son of 'Obda. The poet mentioned iu the text was a son of one of the late
Himyarite princes, and was killed in an engagement with the tribes of 'Abd-
Menat and Kalb. For a specimen of ancient poetry composed to celebrate the
prowess of the warrior bard on this occasion, see Schulten's " Monumenta Vetus-
tiora Arabia3," Lugd. 1740, p. 15. A few lines by the Himyarite king Asa'd
Tobba' are also preserved iu the same collection, p. 13. But the pages of
Al-Hamd9,nt are filled to overflowing with the verses of these two prsp-Islamite
poets.

^"^ U^lki ^Si,j\ i-JjLo

12 On some recent Discoveries in South-Western Arabia.
He has also a punning allusion to the name of the city :

*' We triumphed in our mansions at Zhafar ;
" Success always attends the dweller therein."

The palace appears to have been called indifferently
Raidan and Dhu Raidan. 'Alkama prefers the latter form,
and it may be remarked that the expression in the Axumite
inscription TOY PA El A AN is probably an exact represen-
tation in Greek characters of the name as commonly used.
The title of the king may therefore be translated, not as
" King of Sabii and Lord of Raidan," according to Osiander,
but as " King of Saba and Dhu-Raidun," i.e., Zhafar.

Another designation of these kings was " ]\Iakrab Saba."
The exact meaning of the former word it is difficult to
determine, but it probably springs from the root employed
in the compounds Tohha-Kariba, Kariha-il, Yakrah-Malik,
which has the signification of binding and thence oi governing.
It would appear that this was the usual title of the younger
sons of the reigning family, who were invested with the
government of the various provinces into which the kingdom
vas divided.

I have endeavoured, by a careful examination of the
inscriptions, to estal)lish the succession of the kings whose
names are recorded in them, and to assign a general date
to the d}aiasty. The following list must, however, be con-
sidered purely tentative, and several links in llu' cliain wliic-h
are wanting are filled up conjecturally. Any succession
which is not actually proved by the inscriptions is marked
by the letter (<^/). A great source of difficulty is found in the
practice of assigning a prince's descent through his grand-
father, or still further back, instead of through his immediate
ancestor.

On some recent Discoveries in South-Western Arabia. 13

Dhamar'ali Dharali {A. 24 ; R. 61 ?)
(d) Yada'il Watr (A. 33, 34 ; S. 61 ?)

{d) Samali'ali Dliarali (A. 55)

Il-sharali {A. 55)

I ■

One generation between
Dhamar'ali Bayyin {A. 54)

Kariba-n (A. 55)

Kariba-il Watr Yahan'am (A. 11, 51 ; H. 51)

(fZ) Samah'ali Yanaf *
(^.4,8,10,14; iZ.673)

{d) Yatha'aniir "Watr (H. 280 et seq.) Halak-amir (A. 54)

Yada'H Bayyin (A. 56 ; R. 51)

I
Yakrab-MaUk Watr (H. 44, 51 ; A. 56)

\
Yatha'aniir Bayyin {A. 56)

Kariba-il Bayyin
(if. 52, 352, 672 • A. 29)

Samah'ali Yanaf
{H. 45)

,. I
Yatha'aniir Bavyin

(^.12)

Yada'il Dharah (A. 4, 8, 10 ; S. 338)*

Samah'ali Yanaf (S. 338, 339)*

I
(d.) Yada'il Dhali' {S. 50)*

These kings appear to have reigned between the years
B.C. 80 and A.D. 120, the approximate date of the destruction
of the Dyke of Marib, when it is probable that city was
deserted for San'a, whilst the greater number of the tribes
migrated still further. From that event the decline of the
Himyaritic empire must be dated.

In addition to the above, we find in the British Museum
inscription (No. 33) Fara'm Yanhab reigning jointly as king
of Saba and Dhu Raidan, with his two sons, Tl-Sharah Yadhab

* Makrab Saba.

14 On some recent Discoveries in South-Western Arabia.

and Yiital Baypii, and in No. 30 of tlie same series we come
across a king of Saba named AVababa-il Yahat. Tbese in-
scriptions were found at Marib, and it may bence be inferred
tbat tbe reigns of tbese princes were anterior to tbe transfer
of tbe capital to San'a. From tbe appearance of tlie cba-
racters on tbese stones, as represented in. tbe Britisb Museum
facsimile litbograpbs, I sbould be inclined to ascribe to tbem
an antiquity reacbing back at least a biuidred years furtber
tban tbe clean-cut slabs of Yada'il and Yatba'-amir.

Of all tbese princes only two bave been mentioned by tbe
writers of antiquity, namely, Il-Sbarab, tbe sovereign of I\Iarib
at tbe date of tbe expedition of yElius Gallus into Arabia,
and Kariba-il, wbo was tbe reigning king of tbe Homerites
wben tbe Periplus of the Erytla^a'an Sea was written. Tbe
expedition of Gallus bas been often described, but it is
necessary bere to refer briefly to tbe events wbicb attended
its close. From tbe account given by Strabo it appears tbat
after tbe capture of tbe city of Negrani by assault, tbe Roman
army arrived, after a marcb of six days, at a river, wbere its
passage was opposed by tbe natives, and a battle ensued,
resulting in tbe loss of ten tbousand Arabs, wbilst only two
of tbe invaders were killed. After tbe captm-e of anotber
city called Athrnlla,^ tbe capital, Marsyaha, Avas reacbed, and
bere tbe expedition terminated, for " after Ipng before tbe
place for six days, Gallus was compelled by want of water to
raise tbe siege." After a barassing return march of nine days,
Negrani was reacbed, and tbe route being tbence cbanged, tbe
army embarked at Nera, and returned, via tbe Red Sea and
tbe Nile, to Alexandria.

Tbe termmal point of this expedition, wbicb is called
Marsyaha by Strabo, is usually supposed to be Marib, tbe
capital city of tbe Sabaians. Pliny, bowever, states tbat
tlie Roman general passed by Mariaha (undoubtedly the
fl ? ) ^ ilia7'j/aZ>, of tbe Inscriptions) and ended tbe expedi-
tion at Caripeta, wbicb was identified by M. Fresnel (Journal
Asiatique, IV serie, tome vi, p. 224) witb Kbariba, a city

' This place is called Athhda by Dion Cassias, and may possibly be the
Tathal 'IX? o^ ^I- Ilalevy's inscrijilions, which is often found associated
with Ma'ln.

On some recent Discoveries in Soiith-Western Arabia. 15

lying about a clay's journey west of Marib, where several of
M, Arnaud's inscriptions were discovered. Had Caripeta been
Khariba, then Mariaba must have been Marib, for there is no
doubt that the two cities mentioned by the Roman geographer
were in close proximity to each other. Unfortunately for
M. Fresnel's h^^othesis, the word Khariba is used as a general
term to denote the ruined cities of Yemen, the proper name
of that so designated by ]\I. Arnaud being, according to
M. Halevy, Su'wah.^ As, however, Pliny makes mention of
two Mariabas, one called Baramalchum {ihe Sea of the Kings')
and the other Mariaba of the Calingii, it is quite possible that
the Marsyaba of Strabo may have been a city situated to the
north of the Sab^an Marib, and inhabited by the descendants
of Kahirm, traditionally said to be the son of Saba 'Abd-Shems.
The province of Hamdan, which was under the government
of the Himyarite princes, was peopled by the sons of Kahlan,
and its geographical position in relation to Najran, which
is unquestionably Negrani (IVegara Metropolis of Ptolemy)
affords colourable grounds for believing that it was in some
part of it that the expedition was brought to a termination.

However this may be, whether the Marsyaba of Strabo is
the Marib of the Dyke, or the Marib of the Beni Kahlan, or
whether these are one and the same place, as Caussin de
Perceval would seem to think,- it is very plainly stated that
this place at the date of the expedition, B.C. 24, was under
the rule of a sovereign, the Greek rendering of whose name,
'lA.i'crapo9, would be almost exactly represented by the Himy-
aritic designation Il-Sharah. The conclusion I have arrived
at therefore, is, that the reigning king of Saba in the year
B.C. 24, is the monarch who recorded the votive inscription
on the walls of the Haram of Bilkis at Marib (A. 55), and
who was the son of Samah'ali Dliarah, and as I believe the
ancestor of Kariba-il Watr Yahan'am. Caussin de Perceval
was of opinion that the name of Ilisaros might be found in
Dhu-1-Adliar, the surname of Amr, a celebrated king in the

1 This must uot be confounded with the celebrated palace of Sirwah, of which
a glowing description is given by Al-Hamdani.

2 See, with reference to the sons of Kah]3,n, and their possession of Marib,
Caussin de Perceval's Essai, torn, i, pji. 53, et seq., 74, 83.

IG On some recent Discoveries in South- We stern Arabia.

Arab chronicles of Yemen, but I submit that it resembles
more closely the name of that prince's successor, Sharahbil
or Alishrah, ^vho, according to Ibn Hisham, the author of the
lost work, At-tijdri, was the first of the Himyarite kings to
fix his residence at Marib, and who probably constructed the
Haram of Bilkis in that city. He has also the reputation of
having erected the magnificent place of Ghomdan at Sana.

The author of the Perijjhis states that, at the time he
compiled that work, the paramount sovereign of the Home-
rites and Sabaians was Charibael, whose metropolis was
Aphar, or Saphar, and that this was the prince whose
friendship was coveted by the Roman emperors, and to
whom they sent embassies and presents. It can scarcely be
doubted this powerfid prince is the one who is named in
A. 54 Kariba-il Watr, Yehan'am (the bestoicer of favour), the
king of Saba and Dhu-Raidan, i.e, Zhafar. The date which
Ave are to ascribe to the reign of this monarch must neces-
sarily depend on that assigned to the PeripJus, and this has
never been accurately determined. Dean Vincent, in an
acute and mgenious essay, ^ endeavours to show that the
work must have been written about the 10th year of Nero,
A.D. 69 ; others have fixed the date in the reign of Hadrian,
or even as late as that of Severus. I shall not recapitulate
the learned Dean's arguments ; they have convinced me,
though not complete in themselves ; but shall merely adduce
two other facts in support of them, one of which was pre-
sented to the world a very few years after the publication of
the Essay, Avhilst the other has only lately been brought to
light through the researches of a modern archasologist. In
addition to these, a very strong inference to justify the same
conclusion will be found from the date assigned by Caussin
de Perceval, after much patient inquiry, to that king in his
list whose name most nearly approximates to the Kariba-il
of the Haram.

1st. The author of the Periplus states that the name of
the king whose territories extended from the country of the
Moskophagi to Barbaria, or, as Ave should say noAV, from
SuAvakui to the Somali coast (Zuilu'), Avas Zoskales. Accord-

• " The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea," 1800, pt. i, p. 46.

On some recent Discoveries in South-Western Arabia. 17

ing to the chronology deduced from the Ethiopic annals,
Za-hakale reigned between they ear "A.D. 7G and 99, or witliin
a very few years of the date assigned to the Perqjlus.^ The
resemblance of the name of Za-hakale to that of Zoskales is
too striking to be lightly passed over.

2nd. The Periplus, again, informs us that Leuke Kome
was the place where the merchants landed to go to Petra,
the residence of Malichas, the king of the Nabathaians ; and
that it was occupied by a Roman garrison. Dean Vincent
has carefully examined this statement ; ^ but in the whole
series of Nabathasan kings he was unable to find a Malchus,
or Mahchas, whose reign could be ascribed to the reign of
Nero. The Due de Luynes, whilst opening wide a new
path of numismatic research, has failed to assign a correct
place in history to many of the Nabathsean princes recorded
in his list. It is only within the last few years that these
lacuna} have been satisfactorily filled up by the discoveries of
the Comte de Vogiie, who has not only been enabled to
estal:)lish from them certain doubtful points of filiation, but
has found dates recorded in several of the inscriptions which
set the question of chronology finally at rest. It will suffice
to say, that the king whose name was so anxiously desired
by Dean Vmcent, Malchus or Malichas, the son of Aretas, is
ascertained to have had a distinct existence, and that he
reigned between the years A.D. 40 and 75. His son Dabel or
Zabelus was the last of the independent Nabatheean kings,
and it would appear therefore to be quite out of the question
that any monarch of that race could have reigned at Petra
so late as the time of Septimius Severus, or even of Hadrian.^

3rd. The only prince recorded in the Arab annals whose
name approaches that of Kariba-il Yahan'am is Yasir
Yan'am, whose surname is identical with that of the king of
the inscriptions, and whose reign, according to Caussin de
Perceval, must have occurred soon after the Christian era.
The authorities cited by the same writer inform us that
the reigns of two princes, Hodhad and Bilkis, intervened

' Salt's Voyage to Abyssinia, 1814, p. 463.
2 Vincent's " Periplus," 1805, pt. ii, p. 244.
^ Eevue Numismatique, 1868, j)p. 153, ct seq.
Vol. II. 2

18 On some recent Discoveries in South- Western Arabia.

between those of Sharahbil or Alyshrali and Yasir Yan'am.
These, accordmg to the series of kings deduced fi-om the
inscriptions, would be Dhamar'ali Bayyin and his father the
son of Il-Sharah, of whom we have no record. The fact that
the name of Bilkis has been foisted into the place which
should be more properly occupied by Dhamar'ali may be
accounted for on the hypothesis that the prince, in conjunc-
tion with liis son Kariba-il, was the chief restorer of the glory
of the Haram, which was trachtionally founded by the Queen
of Sheba. The anxiety of the Arab historians to find a place
in then' annals for this princess, who must have existed long
before the amalgamation of the two principal races of South
Arabia, has been often remarked on as forming the principal
bar to the accuracy of then relations, which in no mstance
extend further back than the Kahtanide incursion.

Of the successors of Kariba-il Watr, the only pi'inces
whose names resemble those in the Arab list of kings, are
Yakrab-Malik and Samah'ali Yanaf. In these may be traced
a likeness to Kola'i-Kariba, or, as Al-Jarmabi writes the name,
Molaik-Yaki-ab, and to the predecessor of Dhu-Nowas, Al-
khania Yanouf. The former of these princes reigned, how-
ever, at a later date than we can assign to the third suc-
cessor of Kariba-il, whilst m the latter's time the progress of
Judaism and Christianity had probably put an end to the
practice of tutelary dedication to the old gods of Saba.

The discoveries of M. Halevy do not appear to throw any
new light upon the religious worship of the Sabeeans. The
principal of then deities were : Il-Makah, 'Athtor, Haubas,
Shems or Sliamas, and Dhu Samdwi, males : Dhat Hamim
and Dhat Ba'dan, females. Nasr, one of the five gods
worshipped by the ancient Arabs to whom reference is made
by Mohammed,^ is said by the commentators to have been

ISoali LXXI, 22. — "And tlicj said, Forsake not your gods; and especially
forsake not Wadd, and Suwa', and Yagliutli, and Ya'uk, and Nasr," that is, the
gods of the tribes of Kalb, Ilamdan, Madhaj, Murdd, and Ilimyar.

On some recent Discoveries in South-Western Arabia. 19

par excellence the god of Himyar, and his name iu a two-fold
aspect is found in the following inscription, which was lately
brought into Aden in a very perfect condition : —

lhSS«ftlh1fh|o)''i^?

mTnHihfi)Mihn)o

«'ihn*)oihnHs^x;^^
B?nihnHh^xh3m?n

4')lhni3®?4'i?h*HI^

i^)0X4'ihni)

Of the chronology of the Himyarites we know nothing.
Only two dates, so far as I am aware, have been discovered
up to the present time, and, as remarked above, these would
appear to be referable to the ^ra of the lyahtanide Sabasans,
or about the year B.C. 700. On this hypothesis the date of
the inscription of Hisn Ghorab would be B.C. 60; that of
A. 3 (//. 3) would be B.C. 127. The numerals employed in
the inscriptions were undoubtedly introduced by the Kah-
tanides ; they are pure Semitic, every one of them, and up
to ten would appear to have had masculine and feminine
inflections like the Ethiopic and Arabic. After twenty the
tens were formed by the addition of ^ (or as a dialectic
variety f ^^) to the feminine units, as 0(1)/^' four,
T O n) ?1 or ? V O n) h forty, O R A ^<^ren, ? O f] rS
seventij. A hundred was ^ X r*l ^ or X r*! ^' ^ thousand
0 I n ' whilst the intervening centuries were formed by
the addition of the unit in the feminine form, as in Arabic

20 On some recent Discoveries in South-Wcstom Arahia.

the Etliiopic preferring the mascuh'ne), e.g. | ^ X fh ^ I A 3 ••
(^. 3) I ^ X rh € I 8 A (Hisn Ghorab). The cliaracters em-
ployed for notation appear to have been exceedingly simple ;
a jDei-pendicular stroke [ | ] representing one, two strokes
[ I j ] two, and so up to five, which was represented by
['j'], the first letter of the word |S 3 V fi"-'^- To form
six, a stroke was added to five [ | VI' ^^'^ strokes for
seven, &c., up to ten [o], the first letter of ) ^ O, ten.
Between ten and twent}^ this sign was added to those repre-
senting the units, as [j | V ^] seventeen. Twenty to fifty
were distinguished by the sign [o] being doubled, tripled,
and quadrupled ; [ V/ ] for f |^ ^ 4/ represented fifty, and
the series was similarly carried on by tens to one hundred
[^]. The only exception I find to this is in //. 466,
there [O §] would seem to stand for eighty, which in the
dialect of the inscription is f V h ^ V 8*

Of the Saba3an year ( 0 ) '^ ) ^^ know nothing except
tliat it was divided into lunar months Ci/ ) <1>) and days
(^ ® ?)• ^^ ^^^ 110 mention of weeks in the inscrip-
tions, although an ancient Arabic historian, Ahmed ibn
Ya'kub al-'Abbasi, has preserved a distich ^ which is said to
give the names of the various days. These are, Awwal,
Ahun, Hubar, Dubar, Munas, 'Aruba, and Shabar, proceeding
fi'om Sunday onwards.

Before parting with M. Halevy, it must be mentioned that
the publication of his inscriptions has enabled us to discover

/■cy t o^ 9 , p o-5i %

^^ u;^ ;V^ J^^^^ ^

" I hope that I may remain ahve and that my day (i.e. the day of my death)
may be on Awwal, or on Aliiln, or Hubar, or on the following Dubar, and if I
pass that, may it be on Miliias, or 'Ai-uba, or Shabar," (or, in other words, not
to-day).

On some recent Discoreries in South- Wester^i Arabia. 21

the existence of several forgeries which have been lately
perpetrated in a clever manner by a Jewish coppersmith at
Sana, with whom the traveller lodged, during his residence
in that town, and who by some means or other was able to
take copies of several fragments, All these forged tablets
were executed in brass, and some of them have found their way
to the British Museum (compare H. 154, 424, 465, 499, 477).
Outwardly these tablets appear to have undergone the wear
and tear of ages, and the most careful examination would
fail to detect in them the marks of the forger's hand. It is
only when a search is made into the meaning of the inscrip-
tions that suspicion arises, although, until the pubKcation of
M. Halevy's collection set the matter at rest, the inquirer
would fain have attributed his failure to his own ignorance
rather than to the deception printed on the bronze.

The printing of the inscriptions is defective and calculated
to mislead. It was the practice of the Sabasans to employ
square slabs of sandstone for the purpose of record, &c.,
several of these being affixed to the ediiice of which they
were to form the memorial, and the inscription being con-
tinued from one to another, sometimes laterally and some-
times perpendicularly. Speciiuens of these may be seen in
Halevy's inscriptions from Kharibat-Sa'iid, Nos. 628 to 632,
which are printed as if complete in themselves, instead of
being portions of boustrophedon inscriptions copied in a
perpendicular line, the corresponding slabs to the right or
left being wanting. No. 631 affords a good instance of
what I mean, whilst the peculiar construction of the square-
built buttresses referred to above is proved by the fact of
several slabs which served to compose them (and, among
others, some of those at Kharibat Sa'ud) having been brought
into Aden and carefully examined.

In the preceding pages no attempt has been made to
treat the subject of M. Halevy's inscriptions in then- philo-
logical aspect, but simply to inqufre what, at a superficial
view, may be their historical value, in connection with the
other materials which we have at our disposal. At the
present stage of Himyaritic inquiry we are little better than
uien groping in a dark room, thankfril if an occasional ray of

22 On some recent Discoveries in South-Wester}i Arabia,

light reaches us throngh a chink in the walls ; l^iit v/e have
learned one thing, and that is to discard utterly the narratives
of the old Arab Avriters, which for historical purposes are by
themselves valueless, and which bear the same relation to
the contemporaneous records on bronze or marble as a coin
of Tasciovanus does to the romances of Geoffrey of Mon-
mouth. Geographically the case is different, and a fair
appreciation of the ancient aspect of the country may be
gained from the pages of Al-Hamduni, who united the
fmictions of an accurate topographer to those of a collector
of folk-lore, or, in other words, the wild legends which
lingered in his native Yemen for centuries after the voice of
Himyar had been lost in the war-cry of Koraish. The few
echoes -which now remaui must be sought for in the fastnesses
of Mahrah and the valleys of Socotra,^ and thither we would
direct the inquher.

^ It is interesting to find that tlie ■word ^ O ^ (makam), tlie usual term
employed by the Hiniyarites for tlie staiio or shrine of a divinity, was carried
by their Christian descendants to Socotra, and was there used to designate a
church up to the middle of the seventeenth century. Father Vincenzo describes
the churches, which he calls Moquame, as dark, low, dirty, and daily anointed
with butter. (See Tide's Marco Polo, vol. ii, p. 344).

[Note. — Since the above was written, I have received a
copy of the Journal Asiatique for June last, in Avhich
M. Halevy's translations of the inscriptions discovered by
him have been published. These translations do not profess
to be more than tentative, and their incompleteness scarcely
allows of criticism. In the case of only one mscription
(No. 257) has any attempt been made to give a detailed
analysis of the text, and it cannot be said that this has
done much towards clearing away difficulties of interpre-
tation.]

Additional Note.

While these pages Avere passing tlirough the press, I have
been shown at the British Musemn an undoubted Hiniyaritic
coin, wln'cli lias been in fliat cu^ileclion fur flic last iV.rfy years.

On some recent Discoveries in South-Western Arabia. 23

On one side is a ringletted head ; on the other a smaller head

surrounded by the inscription hH?nTh^lh?nihHDo
Tvhich I translate as 'Amddn Bayyin, the ijossessor (kani) of

Raiddn. The word hint is found as a monogram, thus *X
and I think it very probable that the word which 1 have
read as Yanaf on another coin (see page 6) may be a
worn impression of the same monogram. There is another
monogram on the coin which I am unable to decypher. The
whole of the inscription is perfectly legible, and there cannot
be a doubt of its Himyaric origin.

I take this opportunity of mentioning, that not long ago
a mutilated Hmestone slab was brought into Aden with the
following inscription engraved upon it : —

? 1 0 JUH

1 D 1 4" ^ H

h n A 1 (1

SH T >H«>

r ] > A 1 s n

It would appear from this that the father of Dhamar 'ali
Dharah (see page 13) was called Kariba-il.

Jidy, 1873.

24 On some recent Discoveries in South-Western Arabia.

APPENDIX.

The following Inscriptions have been recently discovered
by the writer of the precechng paper. The first four are
tutelary dedications to Tdlah fl "1 fh X' ^ divinity whose
name does not appear on any other nioninnents, but who
was probably Avorshipped in the country of Hamdan, the
bu'th-place of the Historian. The iuscriptions on bronze
should be received with some caution, but full rehance may
be ])laced upon the authenticity of the stone tablets.

I. — Bronze Tablet.

X(i>niH}««ihVo
I D <» ? o I h ^ o I X H I h
hJoi^nAaiiiHH
H ? H h n I m m H I

®IIlI]*i?Ho|oa)|V

H I A <» ® I a H u I n ?
I h m ® I T h n I n ? a> I

VIl'KlHIlSlhMA'
holHinHlhO

On some recent Discoveries in South-Western Arabia. 25

II. — Bronze Tablet.

D? nni h X

o1l8H4'VIIl

n nju V H n

hf hH ft Di a

DHHIHAni

SJX^loVII

H ni fH X 1 H

h}H VIIS

III. — Bronze Tablet.

1 h n 1 H V 1 1 h n 1 D !> V 0 D

niniftxioiihi DJVN

1 ft X 1 ? h * A 1 X o } X 11 5

Oh m v>¥?iiiii?H n

11 ft A o (1 1 o V h n 1 ID V A

V H 1 a 1 A ® 1 L h 0 "P ®

H *S 1 11 Y 1 ffi V ? h * ® 1 ®

v 11 o 1 h J o h 1 H 1 X 1 n

** lintHHhfJAlo?

? V 11 1 1 A * 1 D I <» H 1 0 T

ftininiftxis hi'mo

26 On some recent Discovones in South-Western Arabia.

TV. — Limestone Slab.

h^vmaoHisniHft vjixso^x^v
xo>xiioniai]?Hnihxi®i]V]]?jiT

A I X 1 h a I <■> V H o A 1 X H n I h D 1 A I h H
oSI*VHo^ini?iXIX?IXH1<»ll]*H
? h n I ® V h >!] M ? B > ® I B ? 0 a> I ]] X II

i]?HnihxniiiHJfi®iivnojihHiiV

V. — Bronze Tablet.

D M ft I H" t D

•K I] H H I h h n I
> II H I II o n ? I

fhiKi ® I no
h H ? > H I no]

iH © 11 o n ® I

I II 8 HloiM H

a> n V n o 1

VI. — LiJviESTONE Frustum of a Pyramid.

(In tlie British Museum.)

n h I h © 8 n h
> 0 X f I h n I X
1 h I X ? h * V 1 3
1 o n I h h ? * I « vv

3 V Y 0 f 11 h X i> ft

On some recent Discoveries in South- Western Arabia. 27

VII. — Limestone Slab.

® ! T A o I 3 H V 1 H I ) 3 h n

( n o I h r u r 8 1 ^ n i^ (

VIII. — Limestone Slab.
f0ft(D|(D^V)?yn

,',fa)MoVHno<B|3

IX. — Limestone Mortuary Inscription.

®vh)xnHih*)n)X8oiso3

28 On some recent Discoveries in South- Western A rahia.

X. — Bronze Tablet.

lofnhJHoihniDnn}

,1 fi 1 <D V V ^ ® 1 m H" 1 h h 8

vifHiHiiniiioMionivu

h 11 H ^ H 1 <» D V X (Oo V n 1 0 ? * 1 0,

m h»niighi?<>®iDV?o<i.

?o«<Bi»iivx^vnihhfi ifi(?)

(Di*n V jon^i^DviMMion

DO^Vn IIHlhS8lh4'nH?

HI«>?!Oia?8hMD4'4'Ain W)

VUlfh Ih^DHTMo

ON THE RELIGIOUS BELIEF OF THE ASSYRIANS.

No. IL

By H. F. Talbot, F.R.S., &c.
Bead Wi November, 1872.

In my former paper on this subject I showed, as I think
for the first time, that the Assyrians behoved in the immor-
tahty of the soul. I have since found numerous proofs of it.
Many of the tablets m the British Museum contain allusions
to it as a belief established and unquestionable. For instance
— a man is seized with a mortal sickness, and dies — '■'■May
his sold fly up to heaven ! " This short prayer, or ejaculation,
stands as follows in the original : —

kima itzuri ana

ashri

nice a hird to

a place

=Esr <"- . <:r ^ Et"" ^

rapsi lattaprash

lofty may it fly.

2- T? ^! . m . <r- ^? T-- . V

. -+ I

ana kati damikti slia

ili-su

to the hands holy of

its god

gyj. ^ j^yyy

lippakit.

may it returm.

Like a bird may it fly to a lofty place !

To the holy hands of its god, may it return !

An Accadian version follows, with the same meaning. 1
may observe that rajjsi (lofty) is the usual epithet of Heaven ;

30 On the Religious Belief of the Assijrians.

lattaprash is the optative of the T conjugation of 2Kirash
' to fly/ a verb of frequent occuiTcnce.

On another tablet the clymg spirit is restored to h"fe by
the gods. First, a prayer to Ishtar. ^A~ ^S >-^T ^May the
great goddess >^ ^^yi^ <^^ gy| ^I^J ^ <^-j: >r^ ^|<
muhulladdat miti, she who turns death into Hfe [receive him in
her hands]. — The Accadian version agrees, <T^ ^^Tv^ >=TTTi^
Tin Diirga : for, in Accadian, Tin signifies Life, and Durga
Death.

Then, a prayer to Mardulv, " And thou 0 ]\Iarduk lord of
mercy, who raisest ? death to life. Atta Marduk Ul rimnu
sha miti hidlnda irammu, written ^C^^ *^T^ '"'^^ (death)
S? ISI SI! ^M/^«f^« (life).— The Accadian has i^t^Bj ^!TI^ .
>-<y< >-^y» Durga Tila substituting Tila (life) for Tin of the
former passage. Both words are equally common. Then
follows, /////, lihib, limmir " may it (the soul) ascend, soar
high, and shine !" This pln-ase is repeated on various other
tablets, so that the genercd meaning of it is ajoparent.
The last line however is the most important :
" And may the Sun, greatest of the gods, receive the
saved soul into his holy hands ! " -jV >^ '^'^T'^T *"'^TT
Salmut-zu, ' his saved soul,' from salam to save. The Accadian
has ^y^ ^y which is almost always the translation of the
Assyrian salam. Manifestly this passage implies a judgment,
the Sun being the judge, in which the souls of the righteous
were saved, but others condemned. And such I find to have
been the belief of the Assyrians. I will return to the subject,
merely pointing it out here in passing.

I will consider next an interesting tablet, Avhich may be
entitled

The Death of the Righteous Man.

It is highly imaginative, and the meaning of some words
being still unknown I cannot represent it by a continuous

On the Religious Belief of the Assiirians. 31

translation. It begins I think by sajang that heaven and
earth sympathised with the sufferings of the sick man.

1. Tempest in heaven, lightning on earth, are
raging.

2. Of the brave man who was so strong, his strength
has departed.

3. Of the righteous servant, the force does not
return.

4. In his bodily frame he lies dangerously ill.

5. But Ishtar smiles upon him with a placid smile,

6. And comes down from her mountain, unvisited
of men.

7. At the door of the sick man she speaks.

8. The sick man turns his head :

9. Who is there ? Who comes ?

1 0. It is Ishtar, daughter of the moon-god Sin :

11. It is the god ( ) son of Bel :

12. It is Marduk, son of the god (....).

13. They approach the body of the sick man.

{The next line 14 is nearly destroy ecV)

15. They bring a khisihta (jewel?) from their hea-
venly treasury :

16. They bring a sisbu from their lofty storehouse :

17. To the precious khisihta they pour forth a hymn.

18. That righteous man let him now depart !

1 9. May he rise as bright as that khisihta !

20. May he soar on high like that sishu!

21. Like pure silver may his figure shine !

22. Like brass may it be radiant !

23. To the Sun, greatest of the gods, may it return !

24. And may the Sun, greatest of the gods, receive
the saved soul into his holy hands !

32 On the Rdujxous Belief of the Assyrians.

The words used iu the hist Hue are the same as hi the
former mstaiice. -^ >-^ '"'^11 Sahnut-zu, 'his saved soul,'
with the same Accadiaii translation ^Tdi ^T l^ima. I will
give the original text of the whole in an Appendix (No. I)
to this paper.

Another word for ' a saved soul' was ^t^tmt T*^ Sidmi,
derived fi-om the same verb salam to save. The Accadian
translates it as before by ^f^!^ ^f Dirna. An example "svill
be found on a tablet which tlie British Museum published
some years ago (Rawlinson's Inscriptions, vol. 2, plate 18,
col. ii, 54). The sick man is ^dsitecl and comforted by the
gods. Then we read as follows :

1. The departed? man may he be in glory!

2. l\hiy his soul shine radiant as brass !

3. To that man

4. ]May the Sun give life !

5. And ]\hirdulv, eldest son of heaven
G. Grant him an abode of happiness !

See the original text in the Appendix (No. II).

They seem to have hiiagined the Soul like a bird with
sliiiimg wings risuig to the skies. It is cm-ious that they
considered pohshed brass to be more beautiful than gold. A
modern poet would have \\Titten differently.

This point then seems fully proved — that the Sun
received the spmts of just men into a heavenly abode of
happiness.

But in fact I might have dispensed with all these proofs,
and relied upon this single fact namely that the great title
of the Sun was "the Judge of Men." — For, as it is certain
that men are not always judged in this world accordmg to
their merits, biit that the wicked often remain prosperous to
the end, the belief of the Assyrian must have been that there
was a judgment after death. The Egyptians had the same
belief — that the actions of men would be judged by Osiris:
the good deeds against the evil weighed m a balance, and
sentence pronounced accordingly.

0)i the ReUgioiis Belief of the Assyrians. 33

The gTeat name of the Sun in Assyrian theology was
^^TT Ty [y ^ T >^~ ^y*^ Daian-nisi or Dian-nisi which
means " the Judge of Men." Some years ago I ventured to
affirm that this name is the same with the Dionysus of the
Greeks.^ All know that the worship of Dionysus was
derived from the East — in very ancient times, for he is men-
tioned by Homer. In the early mythologies the name of
Dionysus signified the Sun, for Herodotus says (iii, 8) that
the only god worshipped by the Arabians was Dionysus :
now it is certam that the Arabians worshipped the Sun, and
the Assyrian records confirm this by saying that tribute was
brought by the Queen of the Arabians, who used to worship
the Siui, Osiris and Dionysus were the same, according to
the judgment of Plutarch (Isis et Osiris, cap. 28). And he
quotes from Heraclitus that Dionysus was Hades. But
Hades, or Pluto, was fabled to be the judge of departed
souls.

I will give some examples of the word Dian or Daian ' a
judge,' which is evidently the Hebrew 'j'^1 judex.

Nebuchadnezzar says in his great inscription iv, 29

'• I? -^T . ►+ '^y . Kyy y? y{ <n . f eIT ^e ^yy<y

Ana Shems Dainu tsiri

To the Sun the Judge supreme

2. ^yyyy . <y5^ -^ ^]}} El . ^yyyy -^yy

Bit Dian-nisi bit-zu

the temple of Dianisi, his temple,

3. in Babilim
in. Babylon

4. in kupri u agurri

in bitumen and bricks

5. shakish ebus
grandly J built.

^ See my paper in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature,
vol. 8, p. 297.

Vol. II. 3

34 On the Religious Belief of the Assi,'ria)is.

Here it is to be observed that J^lyy ^y is tlie Accadian or
ancient Babylonian word for 'men,' which is nisi in Assyrian.
It occurs very frequently on the tablets.

Another spelling of Dian-nisi is ^j^fr »^ ^ *^^ \*^
which has the same meaning "judge of men." This title
of the Sun Avas not so much a mere title as an actual name.
In proof of which I can point to a tablet (163 a and h, other-
wise marked as 204) where no less than forty-eight short
phrases or epithets of honour are all explained to mean the
god ^Tit >'>^ j^ist as the (f)OL(3os of the Greeks, though
originally only an epithet of the Sun {brilliant ox fiery) became
at a later period his proper name.

In the annals of Ashurakhbal (R 18, 44) the king saj^s :
" At the beginning of my reign I sat proudly on my royal
throne, holding my sceptre in my hand, &c. &c. And they
held over me the umbrella of state, dedicated to the Sun "
— whose name is thus written >^>^ ^ >^ Kfj?^ *"*^
^i^ r^^ Shamas dian-nisi.

Another example from the I\Iichaux stone (R 70,
col, iii, 15). Whoever destroys this tablet, may the Sun the
great judge of heaven and earth, condemn him !

'• -+ ^T . <W ^.tV. -A- ^} A Am -<V

Shems Daian rabu shamie u kiti

Sun i'"^£/^ great of heaven and earth

2. lu-din din-su.

judge him icith judgment.

The Sun has also the epithet " Destroyer of the Wicked,"
Avhich I think must relate to a future judgment.

To resume. — Since the Assyrians believed in a jvulgment
after death, it follows that the immortality of the soul was
an established doctrine of their religion.

11.

Mysteries of the Assyrian Religion.

An immense multitude of gods are found in the Assyrian
Pantheon, but only a few of these appear to have been

On the Religious Belief of the Assyrians. 35

worshipped with real fervour. Amidst the chaos of names a
feehng of the real unity of the divine nature is visible. The
phrase ' God and man ' sometimes occurs. ' God and the
King' is very frequent. No particular god is here named
or intended, but the word >->?- is put absolutely, like the
Greek to Qeuov, and may be translated either ' god ' or
' heaven.' But besides their open and popular worship, the
Assyrians had mysteries, as the Greeks and Egyptians had.
The Egyptian mysteries of Isis and Osiris, and the Eleusinian
mysteries of Ceres are well known. They probably pro-
duced a profound effect upon the imagination even of those
who were indifferent to the ordinary religion. Horace, who
was parous deoritm cultor et infrequens probably cared little
if he heard one of his friends scoffing at the gods ; but he
would not embark in the same ship nor sleep under the same
roof with a man

.... qui Cereris sacrmn
Vulgarit arcanrr ....

The tablets in the British ]\Iuseum are often very difficult to
understand. This arises partly from their broken and muti-
lated state, which continually interrupts the reader. Very
often, when an explanation of the meaning appears to be
coming, it is broken off, and so the part which remains and
can be deciphered is nearly useless. Hence, only an imper-
fect account can be given at present of many branches of
Assyrian learning. Enough is said in these records to excite
our curiosity, but not enough to give accurate knowledge.

I \^^.ll however point out a class of tablets to which
inquuy may be usefully directed, as being likely to lead us
to some knowledge of the more esoteric doctrines of the
Assyrian religion.

These tablets speak with awe and veneration of a certain
object which they name the Mamit. In Assyrian it is written
^Y ^XX^ "^T Mamitu, or ^Y >-< Mamit. The Accadian has two
names for it, viz. >-Y<Y-^ ^^^^^J -^Jl which I propose to
read Namharu, and *pYYjt *^^Y or Sakha. The first and
primary meaning of Mamitu seems to be an Oath : not an

36 On the Reliyicus Belief of the Assyrians.

ordinaiy oath, but a solemn one invoking the gods to witness.
In tliis sense it is used by Tiglath-Pileser (v. 11) who says :
' I pardoned the kings of the Nahiri for their rebellion,
but I made them swear an oath by the great gods, to do
faithful service to me in future.' Mamit ill rahi ana arkat
iaini, ana tamu zati, ana ardutti utami sunuti. Here Mamit is
written ^T <^:::: ^^J, but in 2 R 65, 4 it is ^] ^XX ^^^f
main it u.

In still earlier times we find that the kings of Assyria and
Babylonia bound themselves by a solemn oath to keep the
peace towards each other (see 2 R 65, 4) : mamitu ana akhati
iJJinu, 'an oath to each other they gave.' The etymology
of the word is probably to be found in the verb ^^i jurare,
whence comes the Chaldee and Syriac t^n^lQ jnramentum^
wliich is almost exactly the Assyrian mamita. It occurs,
frequently in the Syriac New Testament, ex. gr. ]\Iatth. v, 33,
' thou shalt perform unto the Lord thine oaths.^

It has always been the custom, in order to add solemnity
to an oath, to swear it in the presence of the most sacred
objects, touching them, kissing them, or at any rate invoking
them as witnesses. Thus, even in England, the custom
remains to this day of kissing the Bible, when an oath is
taken.

As a natural consequence, the oath itself and the sacred
object on which it was sworn, obtained in coiu'se of time the
same name. Thus, in Greece opKos meant ' an oath,' and
also ' the object by which one swears ; the witness of an
oath,' as the Styx among the gods, ^rvyoi- vSop, 69 re
fieyicTTO'i 'OpKos heivoTaro'; re TreXei fiaKapeaai &eoLcn. (see
Liddell and Scott's lex.). And thus also in Assyria, Mamitu
e^^dently became the name of that holy object in u-hose
presence an oath was taken.

Now, what was tlie nature of this most venerated object?
for that such it was, will appear in the sequel. This is a
very difficult question. It appears to be something which
came down from heaven, if we may judge from the two
following lines, which are consecutive, and seem to corre-
spond in meaning, and to imply the same object. Unluckily
the ends of both lines are fractvn-ed.

(Jn the JA'(i(jious JJeiief of the As.'^ijriuns. 37

1. Salmitu iiltu kii-eb abzi it

Salvation from the midst of the heavenly abyss desce7idedf

2. Mamitu ultu kii-eb shamie ur

Mam,itu from the midst of heaven descended?

I think we may safely translate ^Tdt T*^ ^^I^ Salmitu
by ' Salvation,' and these two lines therefore imply that in
the mamitu was salvation. The word abyss or heave^dy ocean
is used contmually in the same sense as heaven itself.

This makes one think of the Ancile which -fell from heaven
in the reign of Numa, and upon the safe preservation of
which the safety of the Roman empire depended.

The Palladium of Troy also fell down from heaven, and
was accounted to be the salvation of the city ; for, when it
was lost, the kingxlom of Priam was overthrown.

A similar wonder was preserved at Ephesus. We read in
the Acts of the Apostles (xix, 35) " Ye men of Ephesus, what
man is there that knoweth not that the city of the Ephesians
is a worshipper of the great goddess Diana, and of the image
ivhich fell doion from Jupiter V

Again, at Pessinus in Phrygia was the heaven-fiilleu
image of the great goddess Cybele. These objects of
worship are supposed by many to have been aerolites or
meteoric stones, a hypothesis which has great probability.

But was the Mamitu of the Assyi'ians a Palladium of this
kind? This is doubtful: for documents of another kind
have to be taken into consideration.

I return to the etymology of the word Mamitu. Syriac
j«5]-\^")^ _y?<rctme?iii(m or sacramentum. This latter word appears
to me to present a close analogy to the Assyrian mamitu. I
will therefore consider (1) its j^riinitive meaning m classical
Latin, (2) its transitional meaning in the Avorks of the
Fathers of the Church, (3) its meaning in later times.

1. In the classical authors sacramentum meant ' an oath.'

A^on ego perfidum
Dixi sacramentum (Hor.)

JEtate fessos sacramento solvere, to absolve the old soldiers
from their oath. (Tacitus),

38 On the Religions Belief of the Assi/rians.

JVe primi sacra iiienti memoriam deponerent, he prayed the
soldiers not to forgot their first oath. (Caisar).

2. In the Fathers of the Chureh the transitional sense is
seen. Arnobius : ' Fidem rumpere Christianani et salntaiis
militia3 sacramentinn deponere,' likenmg the Christian oath ' to
be true to the faith,' to the pagan soldier's oath ' to be true
to his leader and his standard.' Jerome says : ' Remember
thy baptism, when, in sac^'awie/j^i verba jurasti.' Hence arose
the phrase 'the sacrament of baptism.' So also Tertullian
says of baptism, ' Cum in sacramenti verba respondimus,
vocati sumus ad militiain Dei.' Elsewhere he uses the expres-
sions, ' in baptismatis sacramento,^ and ' admittere ad sacra-
menta baptismatis et eucharistise.'

But soon the word Sacramentum acquired the meanuig of
Mifsterium. Jerome : ' The Veil is torn down, and all the
sacramenta (mysteries) of the law which formerly were
hidden now are exposed to ^dew.' Fulgentius : ' Redemp-
tionis mysterium, vet sacramentumJ Jerome : ' Crucis sacra-
mentum.'

3. In more recent times the word sacrament has tended
more and more to denote ' the holy Eucharist,^ especially in
Roman Catholic countries. No longer a solemn feeling of
the mind oidy, but a visible tangible object of adoration.
The Dictionnaire de I'Academie says: 'le Saint Sacrement est
I'Eucharistie. On dit : le voiler : I'exposer : le porter aux
malades.' The most solemn oaths were sometimes taken
upon it ; a curious trace of which remains in the English
language, for I may state on the authority of Paley tliat the
phrase ' a corporal oath ' meant an oath on the corporale or
linen cloth suiTOundmg the corpus domini or sacred host.i

My argument, as no doubt the reader will have perceived,
is that the Assyrian word Mamitu passed through somewhat
similar shades of meaning. At first only a solemn oath, it
became a Mystery — of what nature I cannot guess. But
who knows wliat the Orphic mysteries were? The passages

' D'l Fresue. Corporale palla est, qua Saerificium oontegitur iu altari.
Siiulon quani solemus Corporale nom'mare (Aliuarius de Eccles. oflic. c. 19).
Corporale pallium in a letter of ^t. Boniface. But Du Fresne diliers as to
Corpiirale juramenhim, whicli, he says, prrestatiir protensa niauu, tactis sacro-
sarictiB Evangeliis, Cruce Domiuir-4 vel sauetoi'uni reliquiie admotis.

On the Reliyious Belief of the Assyrians. 31)

which I am ahout to adduce from the Assyrian tablets will
show, I think, that had it been delivered by Orpheus himself
the Mamit could not have been regarded with more profound
veneration.

The first is a Hymn to the Mamit, which begins thus :

1. Mamit! Mamit! Treasure which passeth
not away !

2. Treasure of the gods, which departeth not !

3. Treasure of heaven and eartli, which shall not
be removed !

4. The one god who never fails !

5. God and man are unable to explain it !

The Accaclian version of the hymn begins similarly :
Sakha ! Sakha ! jewel not dejKirting, &c. &c. From these
remarkable but mysterious lines Tve see that the Mamit was
accounted to be divine — nay more — it was the only god.

How this is to be explained I know not. Did the learned
men of Babylonia perceive the falsehood of the popular
religion ? Were they convinced of the unity of the Divine
Nature ?

Fortunately the two texts, Assyrian and Accadian, are so
very clear that it is impossible to doubt their meaning for a
moment. And they both give the same meaning.

I. Assyrian :

Tin ishtanu la muspilu.

The god One not failing.

H. Accadian. :

The god One not jxissing away.

Let us proceed to the next line, which is equally mys-
terious.

II u u amilu la ippassaru.

God and man not can explain.

40 (hi the Rcl'ujious Belief of the Ast^yrlans.

The Chaldee verb Pa.mr 1"^t>D to explain or interpret, is so
common in Assyrian that I do not see what other translation
can be given. I am not, indeed, well satisfied with it : but
perhaps the Scribe meant to be mysterious.

Let us now pass on to another tablet, Avhicli is quite
different in natiu'e, and yet leads us to the same conclusion
that the Mamit was something of indescribable value. It is
a hymn or chant in six stanzas, each of which, except the
first, consists of ten lines. Each stanza terminates with the
same burthen or refrain — in honour of the Mamit. It was
apparently sung or chanted in one of the temples.

It is difficult to understand, but I think its general mean-
ing is as follows :

" SuiDposing this Temple were to take fire and be con-
sumed, in that day of danger what should a man do ? What
should he try to save ?"

The stanzas give an answer to the question. At the
commencement of each stanza, the priest apparently threw
a log of wood (each time of a different kind) upon the flames
of the altar, and as it consumed he sung as follows :

As this log of [Cedar'] blazes in the fiire
And the burning fi.re consumes it

* * * *

* * * *
Care not to save the sacrificial victims

Nor the precious vestments of god and the king !

In that day, let the fire burn on,

But save the Mamit ! place it in safety !

As tliis log of \_Ciipres.i\ blazes in the fire
And the burning fire consumes it

* * * *

Care not for the title deeds ? nor the books of aflPairs {
"Regard not the [nahdcui] of god and the king !

On the lieligious Belief of the Assyiians. 41

In that (lay, let the fire burn on,

But save the Mamit ! place it in safety !

As this log of \_pine ivoodl blazes in the fire
And the burning fire consumes it

■^ Tir Tff TfC

* * * *

Care not to save the newly-written books
Nor the golden vessels of god and the king !
In that day, let the fire burn on.
But save the Mamit ! place it in safety !

And so on, for the other stanzas. Various precious
objects are named (some of unknown meaning) but each
stanza ends with, " Care not for them ! Think not of them !
but save tlie Mamit ! place it in safety ! " If this song was
sung by a chorus of voices, the intention may have been to
impress upon the minds of all the paramount value of this
mysterious treasure, so that in case of danger its safe
removal should be the first thought of all. There are four
lines in each stanza Avhich I have not translated, not beiug
sure of the meaning.

In other tablets the Mamit is brought to the bedside of a
sick man. Evil spirits are driven aAvay by it, and it is said
" they shall never return." There are nmnerous other scat-
tered notices, which it would be well to collect and compare
together.

I have omitted to mention the following gloss (2 R 10, 28)
Avhich was published some years ago, but has not been
noticed by Assyrian scholars. It confirms the foregoing
arguments.

On the Reiiylous JJelief of ihe Assyrians.

Siipar sa shna la likvi.

Sakha Mainita

wliicli I take to mean

" Hie jewel ichose jyrice cannot he valued" is the Sakba
otherwise called the Mamita.

Sapar, 'jewel.' rT^CU?. — Sima, 'price.' ^y>- >^ or
/Y>- -<^*^ see 2 R 13, 46. Idkri ' can be valued,' the opt.
or potential mood of -^pi ' to value :' see Zechariah xi, 13.
^ni|T "^11*^^ "liT ' thy price at which I was valued.'

In my version of the preceding song, I have left the
phrase ' nahdan of god and the king,' untranslated. But I
have little doubt that nahdan ^^y ^TTt ^^^^'<^^^^ ' niusical
instruments,' being the plural of nahd. C'ompare the Arab
nohat (music), whence nohTiti 'a musician', — see Catafago's
dictionary. And Richardson (p. 1608) has nohat-khanah or
nohat-gah ' a music-gallery.'

Another example of the word occurs on the obelisk (1. 70),
where the King says that he reached wath his army the
source of the Tigris, ashar mutzii sha mie sahm, ' where the
fountains of its waters are situate.' Great rejoicings followed.
The king erected a statue of himself, with an inscription
relating his heroic deeds. He then adds : ' I made joyful
music,' n(d>dan khudut askun ^Jl! tzYY! >-Y<Y ^Y -^Y

On the Religious Belief of the Assi/rlann. 43

Appendix No. 1.

The cuneiform text of the mscription which I have called
the death of the righteous man " is as follows : —

Dihu as sliamie rakis

Tempest in heaven lightning

as kiti

innassikh.

on earth

Images.

Sha itli
Of the hrave man

bil emuki
master of strength,

emuki-su itatti

his strength has departed.

«• V . <T"ir<T BV. >-]< . j^n I- -T<^ -<T< .

Sha ardat: damikti

Of the servant righteous,

sT S . <^T^ . ^TIT^ iBm E-IT .

itza val utara

his force not returns.

*• V . - . -^IT -^TTT -TT<T . ^TT- cElI ^IT .

Sha as zumri marsish

The tnan in body very sick

saknu
lies.

(hi the HeU(jious Belief of the Aast/riaus.

Hat Ishtar slia as

The d'lcine Ishtai; i<he tcith

nisi uUanus-su

smiled upon him,

6- ET =^ « . -El . -£ --T JT <

niaimnau la ibasu

[ichere] no one never dwelt

^^ -E . ^W y -TT<T t?TT .

sadi userida

her mountain descended.

iiukklii
he)U(jnity

^11 ^T .

ishtii
from

Ana
At

muttalliki
sick

«• ]} hm . ^w I?

Amilu

The man

: -^I ^ET . T? V -tm .

binat amili

the door of the man

itklii-ma
she spoke.

A] ;^i -- .

etimat

moved.

»-«-^. ^E -^i -a -IT! . « ^ . ^ni- '.* -^i .

Maiinu inakkit ? manuu usatba ?

Mho is there? ivho comes ?

,0. ^^ ^yy ^ ^ ey .yy. ^ .jy. _ «< _

Ishtar inarat ili Siii

Ishtar daughter of the god Sin.

"■ -f (•■■•) f II- . -^Tii -m .

Ik; ( ) mar Bil

7 he god (....) sou of Bel.

On the Religious Belief of the Assynans. 45

'^- ->f .<t:^\ .^\v{ )

Ilu Marduk mar ( )

The god Marcluh son of ( )

13. ^^T t-yiy .yy<y . ]] y .te^y . .y<y^ .yy<y

Zumri amili inuttal-

The body of the man sick

-EET<I<IEy . tlTI^ ^^^ ^- < .

liki usatbu

they api^roached.

[The next line 14 is nearly destroyed.]

Khisibta slia islitu

A jeicel'^. u'hich from

-- --I ^ETT . MTT M . ^t= 101 =F .

tartatsi illu upluni

the treasury exalted they brought.

u. <y> !.y y^ . V . ^ry -m . -^IT y- -!]<] .

Sisbu slia islitu zuburi

A sisbu lohich from the storehouse

illu upluni

exalted they brought.

IT. y . ^ I-^^y< . <}}-i'^ . V . -- --!! ^EIT ,

Ana kbisibti illiti slia tarbatsi

To the jewel splendid of the treasury

i -m m . h !£Tn . ^e <T!^ ey .

illu sibta idima

exalted a hymn give.

4() (hi the Religious Belief of the Af<.<<i/rians.

"■NT-MI. ^S.-'f I.^-^-TmEl.

Aiiiilu tar ili-sii liibbit-ma

The man son of his god let him depart!

>''• Tn-lElJ . JK . <!EIET . AT-;-T< .

Amilu si'i kima Idiisibti

That man lil-e that jeicel

lilil

vmy he he bright !

2»- <M ET . <T- ti - . JT Tf ^T .

kima sisbi Kuatii

Like sisM that

:eT<T ^t^l^ .

litabbilj
may he shine !

2i-<i£jEr . ^^T- . t^^m'i . ( )

Kima kaspi binit ( )

Like silver

im 5?ij! I . <:z -IT? -m

russu-su laddankit

way hi.'< he shining ivhite J

pure

Kima kiebar liliinmakli

Like brass wmi it he resji/endent !

23. |{ ^T . ->f ^! . Tl V -jm . ->f T- .

Ana Shems asarat iliin

To the Sun greatest of the gods

*T- ^m --^Ti EI .

pikitzu-ma
[z«] its return, and

On tlie Retigions Belief of the Assyrians. 47

u. .^L ^T . y? V %ffl . -T y^ . t- ^ -^TT .

Sliems asarat ilim salmutzu

The Sun greatest of the gods the saved soul

T. JTtt( ) j^^m .

ana kati ( ) libkit

unto hands his may he recelce !

Notes and Observations.

LINE

1. Tnnassilih may be the Chald. pt^'i ' to set on fire.'

2. Itatti is perhaps the T conjugation of the verb ^^H^^
'to depart.'

3. Itza may be "t^ 'robiir.' But the writing is somewhat
effaced, and perhaps we shonld read fiY ^^^ ismi ' force.'

0. ' She descended from her mountain.' The Assyrian
Olympus.

7. Itkhi-ma. Perliaps this shoukl be translated 'she knocked,'
from ^pD percussit.

8. Ethnat, seems a conjugation of 1^'^t2 ' to move ' — ' motus
est loco ' (Schindler). ^His head ' is found in the Accadian
version, though wanting in the Assyrian.

9. ' Who is there ? Who comes ? ' This is very quaint.
The Accadian renders both clauses alike. A ha zizi ^ aha

ziHt yy ^.ty ^ .yy<<< .yy^.

Inal'kit appears to come from T^ coram. Mannu
inahkit! quis coi-am ? But this is doubtful. The letter
may be ^^ and not >^]^, and the word may be innaskit.
Mannu innaskit? Quis occurrit ? from p'^i occnrrit : see
Psalm 85, 10.

Usatha is the istaphel conjugation of the verb t^^ venit,
intrat, ingreditur.
13. Usathu ' they approach,' is another example of the same
verb.

17. Sihta y^ j^yyy. The Accadian has ^J:y ^::]y ^]
Kakama ' song ' or ' h^nnn.'

18. 'Son of his god.' This phrase is very often used in the
sense of 'religious' or 'pious,' or ' accepted of God.'

48 On the Religious Belief of the Assyrians.

Luhbit 'let him dejDart.' Arab. 112 discessit, aiifiigit
(Schindler). A tense of this verb innahit (he fled) is very
common.

21. Biriit from 13. purus. But the reading is doubtfuL
Laddanhit optative T conjugation of a vei'b "Ipi wliicli
means ' pure ' or ' white ' in Syriac, and is used in that
language as an epithet of white linen, and milk, see
Matth. xxvii, 59 and 1 Peter ii, 2. Or, more simply, from
the common verb T01 or i^p3 jmy-us fiiit ; the final T being
frequently added in Assyrian.

22. Lilimvuikh, reading doubtful, but may be the optative of
Arab. ^72/ to shine or glitter, which also takes the form
Tfch (see Catafago's diet. p. 206). The verb is used to
express ' the shining of the skin,' wliicli is very suitable to
the present passage.

Appendix No. II.

1. t;^ . ^T<"A

^y >-^^Y

m .

•

Amilu

muttalliku

The man

departed ?

^ ^T<T^ -TT<T ^]} h

•

nikrimi

glorif.

9 /Y,^YYYY y^
2- \T-TTTT r .

<m ET .

<m -T?

•

Sulmi

kima

kiel)ar

His soul

brass

<T- <K e:;s^ .

lilininiakh.

may it shine!

3- E^w . JT If ^T

Amilu suatu

Man flutt

On the Religious Belief of the Assyrians.

4. ^Jh ^T . -E£T<T -^T^ it: -■

Sliems libullat-zu

The sun inaif it give him life.

=TT

=• ->f <::^T .

fs . '^]w-m . V .

Marduk

tar reslitu slia

Marduk

son eldest of

absi ma

the Ocean, also

j^„^..y^j^^ jg,^..^^

diiimu

diniiku kumniu

grant him

a happy habitation.

Notes.

:.INE

1. Nih'imi, seems related to Ai-ab. ^"^^ to be glorified- — see

Schiudler.

2. Lilimmahh is the verb we had before to express the

shining of brass.
6. Is donbtful, because the first letter is effaced, and another
inscripticjn has hunnu dummuk-umma.

It is said in line 6 of the former inscription that Ishtar
descended from her mountain. In fact ' Lady of the
Mountain ' was one of her chief titles. Nebuchadnezzar says :
(E. I. H. 4, 14) 'I built a temple to the great goddess my
mother, the goddess Nin Ilarrissi {i.e. lady of the mountain)

written -jV^j ^ -^^ ^Ifj^ ^TI" ^^^^ ^^^'- ^- ^^^^^^^^ (Early
History of Babylonia, p. 19) gives an Accadian inscrij)tion of
great antiquity, addressed to Hi lady of the mountain {A'in
Harris).

Vol. II.

ON THE RELIGIOUS BELIEF OF THE ASSYRIANS.

No. III.

By H. F. Talbot, F.R.S., &c.

Read 1st April, 1873.

WirEN the Jews returned from the Babylonian captivity
they brought witli them a multitude of new opinions and
superstitions, which had not been known in former times ;
and also some much purer doctrines, among which, Avas
preeminent a belief in the immortality of the soul, which,
after the captivity, was universally received, except by the
sect of the Sadducees, who rejected it. I have already given
some proofs fi-om the tablets that this doctrine was held by
the ancient Assyrians and Babylonians, and during their
long captivity the Jews adopted the belief, and retained it
ever after. At the same time they accepted many other
opinions which they found prevalent in the land of their
captivity. The Babylonians believed most strongly in
Demoniacal possession ; in the power of exorcism ; in
charms, talismans, and holy water ; in the constant j)rescnce
of good and evil spirits, angels, and demons, some merely
fantastic, others very hurtful and malignant.

Among other things the Jews brought from Babylon the
names of their 12 months, Nisan, lyyar, Si van, Tammuz,
&c., which are foreign and not Hebrew words ; and these
have now been found on Babylonian tablets, agreeing exactly
both in name and order, which, be it said in passing, is a con-
vincing proof of the correctness of Assyi'ian decipherment.

It may not be without interest to bring forward some
instances of accordance between these ancient Eastern
writings and the opinions of the Jews. Those who are
able to search the Talmud would probably find an ample
store of coincidences ; but I shall confine myself to com-
paring certain passages of the Biltlo with some phrases of
the Assyi'ian talilets.

On tlie Religious Belief of the Assyrians. 51

I will first give several parallel passages fi-om the Old
Testament, and tlien some much closer ones from the New
Testament.

§ 1. Power of the Deity

A celebrated passage in the song of Moses, Exod. xv, 11,
is the following : —

Who is like unto thee, 0 Lord, among the gods %
Thou stretchedst out thy right hand, &c., &c.

It has been conjectured that the Maccabees inscribed these
words upon their flag : —

Who is like thee among the gods, Jeliovah ?

TXS'n'^ D7^1 n^^^ '^D or rather, the initial letters of the
words, namely, ''IDtt, which may be read Maccabee, and it is
supposed they took their name from their flag. But be that
as it may, it is interesting to find a similar thought written
on one of the tablets ; thus : —

Who can compare with thee, 0 Ninib son of Bel ?
Thou didst not stretch forth thy hand ....

[The rest is broken off" — perhaps it stood " thou didst not
stretch forth thy hand in vain "].
Elsewhere Ave find :

0 thou ! thy words who can learn ? who can rival them ?
Among the gods thy brothers, thou hast no equal.

The following is part of an addi'ess to some deity : —

In heaven who is great '? Thou alone art great !
On oerth who is great ? Thou alone art great !
When thy voice resounds in heaven, the gods fall

prostrate !
When thy voice resounds on earth, the genii kiss the
dust !
This passage appears to me to approach the spirit of
Hebrew poetry.

52 On the Religious Belief of the Assyriam.

§ 2. Resemblance of some jyecuUar plirases.

Ill Psalm cxli, 3, the following- phrase occurs : "Set a
watch, 0 Lord, before my mouth: heep the door of my lipsT^
This phrase I also find ou a tablet :

The god my creator, raay his watchfulness never cease !
KeejD thou the door of my lips ! guard thou my hands,
O Lord of light !

Li a previous hue of the same Psalm cxli we read : " Let
the lifting up of my hands be as the evening sacrifice !"

This phrase, ' the lifting up of my hands,' Nish hati-ya,
is constantly employed on the tablets in lieu of the word
Prayer. Example :

-+ ^T . T . ^5^11 . ^I -I< -£!? . tXi <nr EI

Shems ana nish kati-ya kula-mma

0 Sun to the lifting iq) of my hands show favour !

It is a close translation of the Accadian term for "prayer,"
\'iz. : ^Y ^yyf"'^ TJTg^Y >-^y su gathula (from szi'hand'
galhula ' to uplift ').

Ohs. Kida-mma in the foregoing hue is the Heb. 713 to
receive, support, sustain, regard favourably. Lat. tueri.

§ 3. Self-mutilation.

The following is an illustration of a passage in the 1st
Book of Kings xviii, 26, the well known history of Elijah
contending with the 450 prophets of Baal. It is there
written : " They called on the name of Baal from morning
even imtil Jioon, sajang, ' 0 Baal hear us !' But there was

no voice, nor any that answered And it came to

pass at noon that Elijah mocked them and said ' Cry aloud !'

And they cried aloud, and cut themselves AFTER

THEIR MANNER with knives and lancets till the blood gushed
out upon them."

The writer of this history drew no ideal picture. A tablet
shows the existence of tliis savage custom, and that it was
accounted hift-hlv meritorious.

On the Religious Belief of the Assyrians. 53

After saying, " The man wlio worships not his god shall
be cut down like a reed," it continues :

He who stabs his flesh in honour of Ishtar, the goddess

unrivalled,
Like the stars of heaven he shall shine : like the river

of night he shall flow !

By ' the river of night ' I imderstand the Milky Way ; for
this would bring the two metaphors into harmony.

Judging from the greatness of the glory promised, per-
haps this passage means, "He who slays himself in honour of
Ishtar," &c. &c. For the verb employed is the Hebrew t;3nti^,
which both in Hebrew and on the tablets means 'to sacrifice
a victim,' as in Leviticus i, 5 ; and even a human victim,
Genesis xxii, 10.

I am not aware whether self-immolation was a passport
to the highest heaven in other religious systems.

§ 4. Tlie custom of prostration before a superior heiny,

Tobit xii, 15. " When the angel said ' I am Raphael,'
then they were troubled, and fell upon their faces : for they
feared."

With this compare a passage from a tablet : " With re-
peated sacrifices, and uplifting of hands, and falling flat on
my face, every day that I live I have worshipped him."

This is exactly the phrase used in Numbers xxii, 31,
" When Balaam saw the Angel of the Lord he bowed down
his head, and fell flat on his face." The authorised version
is correct, for such is the meaning, although the Hebrew has
not the vrovd flat. For the Assyrian writers use the phrase
Irequently and always add the epithet 'fled.' Here is an
example of it from another tablet :

Before his god in prayer he fell flat on his face.

These phrases may suffice, taken from the Old Testament.
I now proceed to some opinions of the later Jews.

54 On the Religious Belief of the Assyrians.

§ 5. Magic knots.

Justin Martyr, speaking of the Jewish exorcists, says,
KaraSea-fxai? '^(pcovTai. These KaraSeafiot were magic ties or
knots (Liddoll and Scott, quoting Plato). A similar usage
prevailed among the Babylonians, as appears from a tablet.
I can only give a few lines of it, the remainder is too difficult
and uncertain.

The god ]\Iarduk wishes to soothe the last moments of a
dying man. His father Hea says : Go, my son !

Take a woman's linen kerchief,

Bind it ? round thy right hand : loose it 1 from the

left hand,
Knot it with seven knots : do so twice ;
Bind it round the head of the sick man ;
Bind it round his hands and feet, like manacles and

fetters :
Sit down ? on his bed :
Sprinkle holy water over him :
The gods will receive liis dyingf spirit.
I have abridged the last few Imes.

§ 0. Talismans, Amulets, and Phylacteries.

There is a great deal in the tablets about the cure of
diseases. I do not fijid any mention of the use of medicine :
They seem to have relied wholly on charms and incantations.

The first step was to guard the entrance of the sick man's
chamber. A tablet says :

That notliing Evil may enter, place at the door the
god (....) and the god (. . . .).

That is to say, their images. I believe these were Kttle
figures of the gods, brought by the priests, perhaps a sort of
Tcraphim.

The folbnving line is more explicit:

Place the guardian statues of Hea and Marduk at the
door, on the right hand and on the left.

On the Reli<jiuus Belief of the Assyrians. 55

But they added to this another kind of protectiou :

Right and left of the threshold of the door spread out

holy texts or sentences.
Place on the statues, texts bound aroimd them {masi

kissuruti).

These must have been long strips like ribbons, of parch-
ment or papyrus. The following line is still clearer :

In the night time bind around the sick man's head, a
sentence taken from a good book.

The word which I have rendered ' hooh ' is Jr^^YYY >-<Y<
dupti. This word, of frequent occurrence, is usually rendered
' a tablet,' but here the context shows that it must have
been a paper or parchment writing. Add to which, that the
word dupti, which in Chaldean is 5*7 tabula, is used in Babbuiic
literature for folium lihri and pagina. These holy texts bound
round the limbs, appear to have been the origin of the
(pvXaKTrjpia or phylacteries of the Jews, which, as theh name
imports (from ^vXaaaeaOab ' to guard oneself) were con-
sidered to be protections from all evil. Schleusner in his
lexicon of the N. Test, says they were ' laminse seu schedee
membranacege quibus inscriptte erant variee legis Mosaicse
sectiones : quia Judfei credebant inesse his ligamentis vim ad
avertenda quasvis mala, niaxime ad damwnes fugandos ut
apparet ex Targum ad Cantic. Vlll, 3.' And he adds that
they were fastened on the forehead and left arm, Justin
Martyr says they were written on very thin membranes.

The word which I have rendered ' text ' or ' sentence ' is
masal, which is very interesting, being exactly the same as
the Hebrew word h)l}f2 which Gesenius renders sententia and
<yv(ofji7]. He also says it means a Carmen in general, of that
kind where each verse consists of two half verses of the same
meaning and form. Now it is remarkable that the Chaldasan
tablets abound in verses of that kind, so that if one half of
the line is intelligible the other may be guessed at, and
frequently with success. But sometimes instead of masal we
find masa with the same meaning. Here again the Hebrew

5(i On i/ie Helujions JJelief of t/ie Assi/rimis.

agrees, having the word fc^U^D sententia, see Geseuiiis, who
quotes this passage of Proverbs :

The words of King Lemuel : tlie sentences (t^U^D) which
his mother had taught him. Proverbs xxxi, 1.

§ 7. Demoniacal possession.

This is a very frequent subject of the tablets. The
following one was published long ago in tlio 2nd vol. of
British i\Iuseum Inscriptions, pi. 18. It says of a sick man:

'• j\Iay the goddess wife of the god pani-su ana

ashi'i shanuma likiin, turn his face in another direction ; udukku
siuH litzi-ma, as akhati Hzbat, that the Evil Spirit may come
out of liim and be thrust aside : sidi tiiki, lamassi tuki as
zumri-su lu-kayan, that good spirits and good powers may
dwell in his body."

I have already mentioned that divine images were
brought into the chamber and written texts taken from
holy books were placed on the walls and bound around
the sick man's brows. If these failed recourse was had to
tlie influence of the mamit, which the evil powers Avere
unable to resist.

§ 8. The Mamit used as a Charm.

The account of this in pi. 17 of vol. 2 British Museum
Inscriptions, contains only the Accad version, tlie Assyrian
being broken off except a mere fragment. It says:

Take a white cloth. In it place the Mamit, in the sick

man's right hand.
And take a black cloth ; wrap it round his left hand
Then all the evil spirits [a long list of them is given]
and the sins which he has committed shall quit
their hold of him, and shall never return.

The symbolism of the black cloth in the left hand seems
evident. The dying man repudiates all his former evil
deeds. And he puts his trust in holiness symbolized by the
white eloth in his right liand.

On the Religious Belief of the Assyrians. 57

The Accadian language being difficult, some part of tlie
above is doubtful. There are some obscure lines about the
spii'its.

Their heads shall remove from his head :
Their hands shall let go his hands :
Their feet shall depart from his feet :

which perhaps may be explained thus : We learn, from
another tablet, that the various classes of evil spirits troubled
different parts of the body. Some injured the head, some
the hands and feet, &c., &c. Therefore the passage before
us may mean : " The spirits whose power is over the
hand, shall loose their hands from his," &c., &c. But I
can offer no decided opinion on such obscure points of
their superstition.

§ 9. Various Neio Testament imssages.

I now proceed to point out several remarkable resem-
blances with passages in the New Testament.

The following striking passage occurs in what may well
be called, a penitential psalm.

0 my Lord ! be not angry with thy servant !
In the waters of the great storm, seize his hand !

In reading this, it is impossible not to think of Christ and
Peter walking on the waves in the midst of the storm. And
lie cried saying, Lord save me ! and immediately Jesus stretched
forth his hand and caught him. Matth. xiv, 31.

§ 10. Inherited or imputed Sins.

I come next to an extraordinary opinion which was held
by the disciples of Jesus, but which their Master promptly
rebuked (John ix, 1-3). And as Jesus imssed hy, he saiv a
7nan which was blind from his birth. And his disciples asked him
saying, Master, who did sin, this man or his parents, that he was
bom blind ? Jesus answered. Neither hath this man sinned, nor
his jmrents.

It is interesting to find this belief very strongly expressed
upon a Chaldean tablet, and we hence see that the Jews
derived this superstitious notion from the East. In this

58 Ua the Lielujiona Belief of the A^.si/riana.

tablet, a man is gvievou.sly tormented Ly pains, wlilcli are
attributed to Evil Spirits. The god Marduk hears his cries
and takes pity on him. He hastens to the abode of his
father the god Hea and takes counsel with him. Hea among
other things advises him to unfold the Mamit, and to say :

Depart, thou evil spirit, from his body !
Whether thou art the sin of his father
Or whether thou art the sin of his mother
Or whether thou art the sin of his elder brother
Or whether thou art the sin of some one who is
unknown.

The Accadian text agrees closely. It is evident that
these sins or curses only descended. They could not ascend
from a younger brother to an elder. I have translated the
Avord j:V^ *^yi'" amit ' sins ' rather than ' curses ' (which it
means in some texts) because I find the word ^^ ^^ff *"Hf~
aran very plainly used in the sense of ' sins ' in a prayer to
the Sun : " 0 Sun ! absolve his sins : put away his tres-
passes ! "

§ 11. The holy nurnher Seven.

The book of Revelations (i, 4) speaks of the seven spuits
which are before the throne of God, and likens them to seven
lamps of fire burning before the throne, and to seven e^es
(Rev. iv, 5 and v, 6). Commentators explain this by saying
that seve7i was a holy and a mystical number among the
Jews. And we now find that it was still more so among the
Babylonians, for the doctrine is stated most emphatically in
the tablets — for instance in the following :

Sontf of the Sevoi Sjjirlts.

They are seven ! they are seven !

In the depths of Ocean they are seven !

In the lieights of Heaven they are seven !

In the Ocean stream, in a Palace they were born

Male they are not ! Female they are not !

On the lielujiuua Belief of the Asuyriaufi. 50

Wives they have not ! Children are not born to them !
Rule they have not ! Government they know not !
Prayers they hear not !

They are seven ! and they are seven ! Twice over they
are seven !

I have omitted some obscure lines of this cm'ious song..
The spirits of this tablet seem to have been neither very
good nor very bad. It was different with others of their race,
as I shall show elsewhere.

Now let us turn to a remarkable text of the New Testa-
ment, Matth. xii, 43 ; Luke xi, 26. When the unclean spirit is
gone out of a man he walketh through dry places seeking rest, and
findeth none. Then he saith, I will return into my house from
lohence I came out, and lohen he is come he findeth it empty, swept,
and garnished. Then goetli he and taketh with himself, sevoi other
spirits more loicked than himself, and they enter in, and dioell
there.

Probably our Lord on this occasion used popular language,
and if S(j, we may conclude that it was a long-standing
opinion among the Jews, that Spirits of whatever nature,
whether the holiest or the most impure, by virtue of their
nature Avere numbered by sevens. So also were the Angels
(see Tobit xii, 15) : " I am Raphael, one of the seven holy
angels which present the prayers of the Saints and which
go in and out before the glory of the Holy One." And in
Revelations xv, 6 : " Seven angels came out of the Temple."

To return however to the subject of seven evil spu-its at
once entering into a man, there are frequent allusions to
them, and to their expulsion, on the tablets. One runs thus :

The god (. . . .) shall stand by his bed side :

Those seven evil spirits he shall root out, and exjoel

them from his body.
And those seven shall never return to the sick man again !

§ 12. Sins and Trespasses.

Again we meet mth the mystical number seven, when
sins and trespasses are spoken of in the New Testament :

(50 (ht the. Rel'Hj'ious Belief of the xissyrians.

Luke xvii, 4. " // thy brother trespass against thee seven times
in a day, and seven times in a day return again to thee .raying, I
repent: thou s halt forgive him."

But the most remarkable saying of our Lord on this
subject, was in reply to Peter. ]\Iatth. xviii, 21, " Then Peter
came to him and said, Lord I hojo oft shall my brother sin against
me and I forgive him ? till seven times / Jesus said unto him, I
say not until seven times, but until seventy times seven"

Everybody understands that Jesus here used a proverbial
or idiomatic expression, implying a great but indefinite
number. Had such an expression not been readily intel-
ligible he would not have used it. But it was deeply rooted
in the Semitic idiom, as the following words of an Assyrian
prayer plainly show :

0 my god ! my sins are seven times seven !

The penitent then turns to his goddess, beginning, ' 0 my
goddess ! ' and repeats the same confession. Here are some
further portions of this Assyrian psalm :

0 my Lord ! my sins are many, my trespasses are great :
Wherefore the wrath of the gods has plagued me with

disease
And with sickness and sorrow.

1 fainted : but no one stretched forth his hand !
I cried alond : but no one heard me !

A few lines afterwards, the penitent hopes for pardon :
But 0 Lord ! save thy servant !

And the sins which he has sinned turn thou to
holiness !

V^t ^Si Khitti ikhtu ana damikti tir !

These instances will show that the study of these ancient
tablets may be of use in illustrating some points of Biblical
phraseology.

On. the. Religious Belief of the Assi/rianfi. Gl

Appendix.

Containing the Ciineifonn text, ivith notes arid observations.

For facility of reference the texts are placed in the order
in which they occur in my memoir.

.. ^^ ^.ty ]yj ^ ^. ^yy. .j^ .jj ^yyy

Ninib billi mar Bel

0 Alnib LiOixl, son of Bel.

« -5^ !=E V ->f -^1 -+

maunii isannan

wlio can compare [icith thee'^.^

it-ka la tassa {word lost)

thi/ hand not thou liftest up ....

Note. — The Accadian version agrees : it-zu nu mun-gatluda.
Gathula is the usual Avord for ' lifting up.' This is from
Tablet K 2862, 4 R 13.

'• --H If ^T T? ^-^ -^H « -^ ^t Cl\\ <^

ka-ata amat-ka mannu ilammad

0 thou ! tliy loord loho shall learn,

mannu isanan

icho shall rival ?

as ili atkhi-ka makhiri val

among the gods tliy brothers, an equal not

tisi
thou hast.

(52 On the Religious Belief of the Assynans.

Notes. — Atkhi for al-ki (brothers) occurs frequently on the
tablets. But it is a singular usage. It was probably
pronounced Atthi. The Accadian version leaves no
doubt of the meaning. ^^^5 '"^^ly ^^-fyf-
hrotliers tliy among.
Makhira val isu (he has no equal) is a very common
phi'ase. But it is rare to find it in the second person
tisi (tilou hast).— Tablet K 28(31, 4R 9.

I. - -+ -]} « -3^ ^ETT iin t£T iBm

as sami mannu tsiru atta

in heaven who (is) great ? thou

«=!?!<!- --Id tElI-TT-

edissi-ka tsirat

onlif-thou (art) great !

as kiti mannu tsuu atta

on earth who (is) great ? thou

Vi I <T" -^tl

edissi- ka . .

onlif-thoH [art

great].

3- --Id I? ^T

Vi *.^ --H

-+ fi

ka-ata

amat-ka

sami

thou

thy voice

heaven

e EtE< ^^Wi £]

►>f'A'IT -^I^

-£ -TI? S -s^

izakkar-ma

ili appa

ilabbinii

7'esounds,

the gods (on) their f

^ace

full fat:

'■ -^H y? ^T

Vi V -^H

<m l^

ka-ata

amat-ka

kiti

thou

tliy voice

earth

On the Religions Belief of the Assyrians.

izakar-ma Anuniiaki kakkaru

resounds, the Genii the dust

iinasaku

kiss.

Note. — Ol3serve the two spellings of the word izakkar.
From the same Tablet, 1. 54.

1- ^ >ff-

--" 5?: -EN

IT IT

Nmi

bani-ya

ida

the god

7ny creator

(his) care

never

t]<] j=T

, .

liz

. .

may it cease.

mutzu

the door

pi-ya
of my lips

B -A JI E^TT

sutisur,
keep thou ;

kataya
nriy hands

3- JT^KI-^^TT^^y -II

sutisir - amma bil nuri

guard likeivise 0 Lord of light !

Note. — Nini ' a god ' occurs not unfrequently : see Syllab. 688
SxZ ^rr >^^ >^^^Y<Y nini . Hi, and my Glossary No. 420.
The above is found on Tablet K 256, 4 R 17.

G4 On the lieU(jioufi Belief of the As.<ii/ria)is.

la palikh ilu-su kiiiia

not worshippijiff his god, like

kani ikhtazzi

a reed shall lie cut down.

Sha Islitar pakida la isu

He icho {for) Ishtar (loho) an e(jual ? not has

siri- HU usukkhatli

his flesh stahs

3. <igfEy ^^]\\ VEH- f£^^jnm

kiiua kakkab sliamumi izarrur

like a star of heaven lie shall shine,

kinia mie musi illak

like the river of night he shall flow.

Notes. — Ikhtazzi. T conjugation of 2i!Jp to cut.

Usukkhath, 'stabs': as it were sacriflcially. This is
the Heb. DITC? mactavit pecudem, and is the word
specially employed in Hebrew for 'slaying a victim.'
The Accadian version has j3^ *J^ ^TII-^ papaga ' to
sacrifice,' which agrees avcU.

Illak, ' shall flow.' The verb "7 TTl is frequently used
of a river, Avhence J/a/aA' its 'flow" or 'course.' Tablet
K 31 09, 4R 3.

On the Religious Belief of the Assyrians. 65

ikribi-ya sunuldiuti nisli

with mx) sacrifices repeated, {and) xiplifting

i-T^T<-En <r-lElI -EKS:! =^tT*T-tET? V

kati-ya u laban appi-ya sba

of my liands and falling flat on my face on

^r it^ t^w T{ -^T^ IeU m ^T T^ET -^ I

tami sani ? abullu ustamimii-su

day every (that) I lived I have ivorsldpped Mm.

Notes. — ?=TTT^ very often means ' every.' I am not sm'e
wbetber it was pronomiced sam.

Ustaninnu is a conjugation of utnin to pray, and
related to unninni prayers. Tablet K 3444, 4 R 20.

ana iki-su as uuniui ajDpa-su

before his god in pi'ayer, {o7i) his face

ilabbin
he fell flat.

Tke above is from Tablet K 4899, 4 R 27.
Magic Knots.

1- <« « -EEI ^ -^IT^ -EET A4f ^T

pasaktu imna

a female linen kerchief (on thy) right haiid

<:rT-ET ^yT--ET -EEM^

latsib-ma sumila litzib

bind? (on thy) left hand leave loose.
Vol. II. 5

On the Religious Belief of the Assyrians.

2- <IEI ^^-!II<

-TT -!

kitsir

sibit

icith knots

seven,

>-¥ y>~< ^'

kutzur-ma

Jcnot it.

IT ^IITT T? <yj?= <T- ^1

adi
times

sina
twice.

kaksu marzi

ruzu-ma

the head of the sick man hind it round.

4. <^ -.< tyy^ cEir -^jn -^TT e!

kishacl marzi ruzii - ma

the Irons of the sick man bind it o'oxind :

misliriti - sn tsinkisli - ma

(^and on) his h<nids and feet like fetters, also.

«• Hff V I -EEH T" ET

ii'sa-su lisib-ma

his bed sit down upon :

,. |T ■^ |^^y< .yr ^«y,y j .g ^yj^ ^y

mie sibti eli-.su idi-ma

(and) water pin^e ? over him cast.

From Tablet K 31G9, 4 R 3.

Notes. — Line 1. (^{(^ ^^ 'female.' The word often occm-s,
but I do not know its pronunciation.
Pasaktu. Ileb. PU^D linum.
Line 2. Heb. "TC^p liga^^t, whence subst. Mtzir, and verb
ky,tzur.

Sibit 'seren.' The Accadian always renders it by
the numeral sitrn »!?.

0)1 the Religious Belief of the Assyrians. 67

Adi ' times.' Heb. Hi^ tempiis. The Accadian
employs the same word, viz. YJ J^Y Adu.

Sina ' two.' Heb. '^JU)', The Accadian renders it by
the numeral sign JY.
Line 3. Ruzu, to bind I Heb. '^)r\ ' lorum,' a band or strap.
Line 4 has almost the same meaning as line 3. I think these
Hnes were alternative : the reader selected the one which
he preferred.
Line 5. Mlslirlti is explained (here and elsewhere) by the
Accadian ^Y ^^>- ' hands and feet.'

Tsinkish adv. 'like fetters,' from Heb. pi^^J ' a fetter.'
Line 6. Irsa ' a bed.' Heb. ty"lV ' lectus.' The Accadian

has t:Y ^*"^^^^ ' a conch.'
Line 7. Sihti. Accadian '-fKl'!^ -^TT N'amrii, ' bright.'

Ana nin sini nu tie ilu

That nothing evil not may enter, the god (....)

-+-ET!£mt^ - --riK^) ■

ilu as babi

and the god (....) at the door {place^.

Note. — Sini. The Accachan renders it ^y>- ][]yf evil.

Tie. Accad. "^T ^y7~y a verb which seems usually
to mean " to enter and hurt." This line is on Tablet
K3197, 4R21.

Zalam mazzari sha ili Hea

The statues guardian of the god Hea

< -+ ..... T t^f ^4f -"!< -Til '^-

u ili (Marduk) ana babu imna u kabbu

and the god Marduk at the door, on the right and left (placc)^

[Same Tablet, line 38]

68 On the Reiuftous Belief of the Assyrians.

Note. — Zalam. The Accadian version has the monogram
for 'statue.'

Mazzari. Tlie Accadian has >-JJ *^ >^W\ I^^^^un
' guardian,' or ' watching over.'

Mardiih The name is lost in the Assyrian text, but
restored from the Accadian : as is also part of the word
kahhiu

The lines which I have next quoted, from the same Tablet,
are much broken.

ET T? <T- -^ -TH !^^^^ ^ETI - y^

j\lasi muntaksi as sibbi

Sentences spread out . . . upon the threshold

^^, A^-^] < jyT--ET

babi inma u sumila

of the door ri<jht and left \_place].

Note. — Masi. Heb. t^'^'t^ sententia. The Accadian version
has >?- >^ the plural of >^ Mas, which is frequently
used on the tablets for ' sentence,' in such pkrases as
'this tablet has twenty sentences,' which on counting
them I have found to be correct.

Muntaksi. Heb. UMD2 expansus est. Fih'st says to
stretch, extend, spread out.

Sihhi. Heb. and Chald. DD Hmen : threshold.

IT ]] <;riT EHKi- <m^}t^^^^m-<\<

sina zalam masi kitzm-uti

(C/i) the two statues \_place'\ the sentences bound around them.

[Same Tablet, Ime 18.]

Note. — Kitzuruti is another word derived from the root "^tl^p.
Gesenius renders it fascia ' a band,' and ' alh'ga\at sibi
cinguli instar.' This verb "^tl^p is the one used in the
following passage of Deuteronomy, which is so illustra-

On the Religious Belief of the Assyrians, G9

tive of this Assyrian tablet concerning phylacteries, that
I will quote it at length. " Therefore shall ye lay up these
my ivords in your heart, and (y^p) hind them for a sign

upon your hand, and as frontlets between your eyes

And thou shalt lorite them upon the door jiosts of thine house,
and upon thy gates" — Deut. xi, 18. These holy words,
thus commanded to be bound round the hand, and the
brows, were doubtless \\T.itten on parchment, and it may
reasonably be concluded that the Assyrian masi were so
likewise.

- -^i]- £Ti^ -

>::-yyy ^y<

pyy ct] ►<y<

as musi masal as

dupti

dabti

ill the night-time a sentence

out of a book

good,

>^V YY YY YtrYY

-TT<T <«

VY V V>^YY

as mailu as

rish

amilu

in his bed u]?on

the head

of the man

^V]A -TT<y ^^^I<T

-^H

m -w

muttallika

lu-

sick

--Id T? fr -+

kayan
bi7id.

[Tablet K 111, 4 R 15.]

Notes. — Masai. Heb. h'^'Ct sententia. The Accadian renders

it >y-.

Kayan, to make fast : to stand fast. Heb. p^ con-
firmavit. This verb is frequent.

Mailu, sometimes ^J ly Jy J=][<J mayal ' a bed.' From
the Arabic SlZD or ^t<^^ to recline. Schindler p. 983.
So in Greek KXcvt] ' a bed ' from Kkiveiv, to lie down.
The Accadian version agrees, having ^][^ ^^^^^
' a bed;

70 On the Religious Belief of the Assyrians.

MuttaUik I derive doubtfully from Cli. p7lO cecidit
super lectum (Schindlev). Buxtorf gives examples of this
verb : among them the following, ^"^72 D')Vy pT'l3''1
' et ceciderit in lectum segi'otus.' These three words in
their Assj'rian form are all very common on the tablets,
and therefore I think they support each other as being
identical with the Chaldee roots wliich I have mentioned.

The next passage is written in the difficult Accadian
language, and 1 cannot translate the whole of it. It is
published in the 2nd vol. of Rawlinson's British Museum
Inscriptions, plate 17, line 55.

1 liiiE '^T ri

Cloths ichite two

sakba it banin-sliar

the Mamit in his hand icrap around.

'■ IeIIe <^^ IT

Cloths hlack two

*• ^T -III y- If Iff: tEirr Tf --T

it kabbu ani tuba
ha7id left his

banhi-shar
wraj) around,

A long list of evil daemons follows, and it is said of tliem—
Heads their

head his from :

On the ReUfjious Belief of the Assyrians. 71

hands their, hand his from:

feet their, foot his from {shall depart ?)

5. -^T E^TT -+ *^I m ^T? ;=At.]

baraii timaleni ?

werer* shall they come to injure (Jiim)

0. -^y £cn ^HL £.yy^ E.yy^ ^yj ^^^y

baran eni

never shall they retuim.

A small portion of the end of tlie Assyrian version
remains, which serves to confirm the Accaclian. It gives
i3t_y >^Y< T *^ kati-sun, their hands. ^ ■'^Y>- T ^A sepi-sun
their feet. Baran is translated Y» YI Ai 'never.' We had
the Accadian verb "^J >?T-T ' ^^ come and hurt ' in a
passage which I quoted before, ^ ^|*~II*^T *^ V'T >n~Y
'that nothing evil may enter' (the sick man's chamber).
And the verb ^*"YY^ is very frequent, being usually
rendered by the Assyrian tir ' to return.'

BiUi ardu-ka la tasakip

0 my Lord ! thy servant do not let fall !

2- - y- ^y? iin ^j^^ ^y< -^y i^np

as mie rutakti nadi

in the ivaters of the storm great

kat-zu zabat.

his hand seize !

[Tablet K 2811, 4 R 10.]

72 On the Religious Belief of the Assyrians.

Note. — BilU. The finftl i is the pronoun, ns appears from
the Accadian version which has >^ (ii^j)-

Rutakti (storm). The whole hnportance of the
passage depends upon this word. I wall therefore show
by another very clear example that it is correctly trans-
lated. In Mr. Smith's Annals of Assurbauipal, p. 192,
there is an account of the ship-ua-eck of Tammaritu king
of Elam, which begins thus : " The ship of Tammaritu,
which a whuiwind and a storm (^J[\ ^g'V -^j rutalctu)
had caught (iz^ >-^| '«^y id>atu):' The word omtahu
is derived from the Heb. T^^^'^^ a^stuavit : commovit :
ebullivit.

Mamit-zu busur-ma, mamit-zu buthur-ma.

The mamit for him unfold, the mamit for him bring forth.

2- ^^ ^ -m -T<T V -.^IT ^^TIT -TI<T I

Limnu dalkhu sha zumri-su

Evil spint disturber of his body

3- m< ^^ -IT- n t^ M)

Lu arrat abi-su

Whether the sin of his father;

4- 1^^ < fc* -TI- ^zm <^^ .IT

lu arrat ummi-su

or ivhether the sin of his mother :

^■im < ^T^ -TT- E^ffi^ ET- s^E

lu arrat aklii-rabi

or whether the sin of his elder brother:

«• 1^^ < tt^ -TT- -TT*^ ^ ^/T V e:s

lu -irrat s;ik1jiti sha amili

or whether thr si), of a man

^ --TT<

nu tzu

not l.inncii.

[K 65, 4 K 7.]

On the Religious Belief of the Assijnans. 73

Notes. — Line 1. Bimir. The Accadian version has >-^yy|i^
passur, which generally means ' explicavit.'

Biithur. Heb. 1105 emissus est : apertus est : exivit.

Line 6. Nu tzu is Accadian. Words of that language fre-
quently occur in the Assyrian text. Usually the scribe
translates nu tzil by la idu, but here he has not done so.

Shems as Idbiti-ka innit-zu

0 Sun hy thi/ icord his sins

lippadir
ahsolve,

aran-su linnasikh.

his tresi^asses remove.

[K 256, 4 R 17.]

Notes. — Lippadir. Heb. "itOQ liberavit.

Aran is rendered by the Accadian word which
generally renders ' sins ' or ' trespasses.'
Linnasihh. Heb. HD^ to take away.

Song of the Seven Spirits.

1— iT^im-T< i^ -yT^mT-^T< i^^

Sibitti sun, sibitti sun

Seven they are, seven they are,

as nagab abzie sil)itti sun

in the stream of Ocean seven they are,

74 On the RcJijious Belief of the Assyrians.

3. ^ ^^yy ^^jf- tyyt^ ^ ^y< ^>f i.y,

as ziiniiti sliamic

ill the lie'Kjht !<? of heaven

■pyy tyyyy^^y< i^

sibitti Sim

seven they are

as nao-ab abzie

the stream of Ocean

as
in

Iviiniiiii
a palace

irbu-suii
they icere born.

^- <t]i '-]v^ -tH "m

val zilvaru

not male

<« « Tr -^y< I ^

IT -3^

Sim,

they are,

val

not

smi

female

they are .

assatu val iklizu, mam val

wives not they have, a child not

aldu sun.

is horn to them.

7. ty} <yi:^ E^yy ^yyy^Ey^ey <^y^ tEt;<y<

P^dira gamala val idn

Order and government not th^y know :

On the Religious Belief oj the Assyrians 75

«■ -T<T^ -TT<T --T IfcJ -EET<T t^ITT <^T^

ilvriba taslita ? val

prayers not

isirjimu
they hear :

9. try m ^T< I ^ "^TT -TITT -T< I ^

sibitti sun, sibitti sun,

seven they are, seven they a/'(?,

-TT -mi T? <Ts^ <T-.-^! I -5^

sibit adi sina sun.

seven times two they are.

[Tablet K 3121, 4 R 2.]

Notes. — Line 2. Na<ja,h. Another copy has *^^TY?J ^.

iVa^'i^'.
Line 3. Zunuti. This word is doubtful.
Line 4. Kummi "a palace" is not unfrequent. The Acca-

dian version has >^TTyT ^^yfTT ' I'ojal house."
Lme 5. Zikaru. The other copy has ^^^« ^T[[ Zik-ru.

The Accadian version has ^^J 'male,' and -^ 'female.'
Line 6. Assat or Ashat 'a wife,' is frequent. It is the

Heb. ry^^,

Ihlizu : probably the Heb. flli^ to possess.
Line 7. Edira and Gamala are usually joined together.

Edira is ' order ' or ' rule.' Heb. y^)^ ordinavit.
Line 8. Taslita is doubtful, but may mean ' prayers,' from

Chald. ^^^ ' to pray.'
Line 9. Sina. The Accadian version has the numeral YY.

1- ->f=^^MT4 V^-'] tt]]-t^^^YM\

Ilu ana rabitzuti-su

The god of fre ? at his bedside

-EET<T .^T -<

lizziz
shall stand :

76 On the licUfjioiis Belief of the Assyrians.

2. <^ ^ ^y tyy ^m ^y< jr ►eem ^t >-v -^Tf eT

Siimti sibitti su lis.sliiiivsu-ma

Wich'd ones seven those he shall root out, and

as zu-svi latrud

from his body he shall expel :

3. T <ee£?4 -TT m -<T< I -^ T? Vr

ana marzi sibitti -sun ai

to the sick man those seven never

^I -T<T <

itkliu
shall return.

[Tablet K 111, 4 R 15.]

Notes. — Line 1. Li-ziz, from Z/c to stand. ]\lore clearly
wi-itten in line 49 of tliis tablet >-tB]<] ^f '^TT'^ ^T
li.iz.zi.iz.
Line 2. lAsshursu, probably fi'om \2>'^\I? radix.

Latrud, opt. of the verb tarud ' to expel,' Chald.
*TltO ejecit, wliicli occurs frequently on the tablets,

Zu ' the body ' is Accadian. The Assyrian is Zumur,
but they frequently employ the Accadian form Zu for
hvexitj.

Marzi ' sick ' occurs very often on the tablets. Arabic
marld (sick) Catafago's dictionary ; which Schindler
writes !nt^. In fact the letter ^ answers to the
Heb. !i in various words as ^^12!^ hyajna ; pn2i ' to
laugh,' &c., &c.

Itkhu is '^Y ^y.T in the Accadian version, which
generally means " to come or return."

Sins and Trespasses.

The first j)assage whicli I have quoted under this head
is in the Accadian language : it has no Assyrian translation
annexed to it.

On the Religious Belief of the Assyrians. 77

0 god mine, vnj sins (are)

T It ^I 'r

seve7i times seven.

0 mother goddess mine [remainder the same as in line 1.]
[Tablet K 2811, 4 R 10, col. II, 45.]

Note. — The syntax is " seven (repeated) seven times " : com-
pare the passage quoted previously, " seven (repeated)
two times."

The following is from the same Tablet, col. I.

Billi annu-a niahida raba

0 mi/ Lord I my sins are mayiy, great (are)

A B)] -m < T?

khidatu-a

my trespasses !

Billi as ukkum libbi-su ikkilman-anni

my Lord in the anger of his heart smote me

Hi as uzzi libbi-su

my god in the fiery (xorath) of Ids heart

usamkhir-anni
sent me plagues.

78 On the Seligious Belief of the Assyrians.

Islitar eli-ya izbuz-ma

Isldar upon me sent troubles,

t|T^ ^ElT f^n ^W ;^ « -+ Sffi

martsish usiman-aimi

Ijeriloiisly she poisoned me

«• gE 5£!n ^ A-+ -It El « El -+ -ni'^ ^I<

astanihi-

manman gati

7 fainted,

and

no one mrj hand

<^n -E??;-

val izabit

oiot took

6- >^)--< )--< '^ T

]] t^:=;

« ET ->f <^y^

kubie

agabbi,

manman val

loud ^i'ords

/ spohe,

(hut) no one not

tE<T- «-+:»=

isiman-anni

heard me.

Notes. — Line 2. IkMlma, from Arabic 72h^ to wound or
injm-e (Fiirst, p. G63).
Line 3 is an alternative line to 2. Uzzi ' fire ' or ' fiery,'
is rendered here, and often elsewhere, by the Accadian

E^TT !?=•

Umniklnr. S conjugation of Mahhar, to send a
plague, or dire disease, see the Annals of Assurbanipal,
p. 118.

As tami-su-ma niildiru imkhar-su

hi those same days a j^lague attacked him.

On the Religious Belief of the Assyrians.

Line 4. Izhuz may be from root ti^lU^ tm-bavit.

Usiman. Chald. ^D venenum. Arab, sammam ' to
poison ' (Cataf.). On the first Micliaux stone, one of
tlie curses is, " IMay tlie goddess Gula afflict bis body
"witb poison that cannot be healed," simma la azza

-n ^4f ET.. -£T . -Hi- }}

Line 5. Astanihi is the tan conj. of Hnti? to fall prostrate.
The Hebrew uses a different conjugation inni^"^ and
ninil^n which wants the letter N so frequently
inserted in Assyrian verbs.

JOSEPH'S TOMB IN SECIIEM.
By Professor Donaldson, K.L., Pii. D., F.R.I.B.A., F.S.A., &c.

Read 1th January, 1873.

There are few incidents in the Sacred Scriptures more
touching than the narrative of the pious care with which the
Childi'en of Israel fidfiUed the injunction of Joseph, to cany
his bones to the hmd of promise, " And Joseph said unto his
brethren, I die : and God will surely visit you, and bring you
out of this land unto the land which he sware to Abraham,
to Isaac, and to Jacob. And Joseph took an oath of the
children of Israel, saying, God will surely visit you, and ye
shall carry up my bones fi'om hence. So Joseph died, being
an hundred and ten years old : and they embalmed Imn, and
he was put in a coffin in Egypt." — Genesis 1, 24-26. In the
Exodus xiii, 19, we learn that " Moses took the bones of
Joseph with him : for he had straitly swore the children of
Israel, saying, God will surely visit you ; and ye shall carry
up my bones away lience with you." And in the last chapter
of Joshua, verse 32, it is recorded, " And the bones of Joseph,
which the children of Israel brought up out of Egypt, buried
they in Sechem in a parcel of ground which Jacob bought of
the sons of Hamor, the father of Sechem, for an hundred
pieces of silver [Gen. xxxiii, 19], and it became the inheritance
of the children of Joseph."

There is hardly any spot in Palestine which combines, as
this does, the tradition of past times and the concurrent
assent as to its authenticity of the varied sects, whether
Samaritan, Jewish, Turkish, or Christian ; and this is the
more remarkable in a country where the struggles of religious
strife are so prevalent, and every supposed holy spot is so
much the oV)ject of violent contention, Avhether to Greek or

},^. /. ...ifi-^

,'>5i

JOSEPHS TOMB, SHKCHEM.

W^Nrn-emher, 1H68

A . JeMi^<h Insmptiijii , ||| B . Soni'iiiliiii Imriinlit

Joscplis Tomb in Sechetn.

Latin. But the truth is, that the Christian does not associate
with this tomb any special saintlike sanctity, and no super-
stitioTTS ceremonial or pilgrimage attaches to it. The approach
to the Valley of Nablous, at the point where this old ruined
tomb stands, is most impressive. Hermon, with its snowy
toi3, and still some days' journey distant to the north, rises
majestically in the far north. The Valley of Nablous opens
to the left, with Ebal to the right and Gerizim opposite to it,
thrilling names in the Scripture narrative ; and at half an
hour's ride is the town of Nablous. Near this spot of the
tomb is Jacob's Well, where our Saviour had his conversation
witli the Samaritan woman ; it is most frequently dry, and
very much choked with large stones. Not far distant is the
enclosure of Joseph's Tomb, rhomboidal in shape, the inside
shorter side measuring fifteen feet in the clear ; the depth
somewhat exceeding that dimension, and the enclosure walls
rise some seven feet high, with an opening at one end.
Opposite the entrance is a small mihrab or prayer niche, about
two feet six inches wide, with a circular head, and over it are
two inscriptions, the upper one in Hebrew characters, the
lower in Samaritan. In one angle on the niche side, and at
the height of about five feet, is a splay, in which is formed a
niche head, as shown in the view. A narrow u-regular central

IS.Tper.

paved path leads fi-om the entrance up to the niche, and on

each side, rising six or seven inches above the path, is a dias ;

that to the left forming a kind of prayer platform or seat.

Vol. II, 6

82 Joseplis Tomb in Secheui.

On the dais to the light is the tomb of some jMahoraedan
Haji, ^vhich is said to be held in some veiieratiou by his co-
religionists. At each end of this tomb is a detached pillar or
post, some eighteen inches in diameter, and rising about
three feet, scooped out on the upper surface into the shape
of a liollow basin, and which had the appearance of having
served for fire. The tomb of the Turk is oblong in shape,
and rises fi'om the dais in a curved form with a pointed ridge.

The construction of the whole is of the I'oughest materials,
plastered over — as is the custom of such sepulchral erections
of the Turks — with considerable cracks in the walls, and
threatening speedy destruction.

AYhen we consider the pious reverence with which Moses
and the descendants of Joseph conveyed their precious relic
from the land of bondage, Ave may conceive that, although
the present erection may be on the spot of its ultimate
deposit, it is but reasonable to suppose they followed the
custom of the Egyptians, among whom they had dwelt so
long, and Avith whose manner of interment they would have
been so well acquainted. If so, they must have made a con-
siderable excavation in the ground, consistent with the
exalted position of their forefather. In this they must have
formed a sepulchral chamber, lining it with stone, and must
therein have laid the embalmed body, with its wooden sar-
cophagus or coffin, with becoming funereal rites. Without
making an excavation it is impossible to ascertain Avhether
any such chamber still exists, or to discover any further par-
ticulars of this sacred and interesting spot.

The hurry with which traA^ellers have to hasten on their
journey in the Holy Land, and the impatience of one's com-
panions, will account for this scanty account of one of the
most remarkable monuments of JeAvish history, as it was in
November, 1868.

A n CONJUGATION,

SUCH AS EXISTS IN ASSYRIAN, SHOWN TO BE A CHARACTER OP
EARLY SHEMITIO SPEECH, BY ITS VESTIGES FOUND IN THE
HEBREW, PHCENICLVN, ARAMAIC, AND ARABIC LANGUAGES.

Bv Richard Cull, F.S.A.

Read oth November, 1872.

The stem words of the Assyrian, like those of the
HebreAV language, are chiefly bisyllabic. Hebrew words are
Avi-itten from right to left by means of letters, three of which
are required to write the consonants of the two syllables,
and these are supplemented by signs called vowel points,
some of which are written above the lino of letters, some
below, and some between them to express the vowels of the
two syllables. By this method of writing the three con-
sonants, as a unity, are perceived at a glance. Assyrian
words are written from left to right, not by means of letters
and vowel points, but by signs for syllables and words. By
this method of wi-iting, the three consonants are much, less
conspicuously displayed than in Hebrew, Syriac, and Arabic.

The term Assyrian language is adopted in this paper to
include the Babylonian also.

The verb is by far the most elaborated part of Assyrian
speech. And there is one feature of the verb, the secondary,
or r\ conjugation, which is stated by all writers on Assyrian
grammar to be peculiar to it, and to distinguish it fi"om other
Shemitic languages. Now, the object of this paper is to draw
attention to some vestiges of ]! conjugations found in the
Hebrew, Phoenician, Aramaic, and Arabic languages, and to
indicate their value in Shemitic philology. But in order to
discuss the evidence and nature of these vestiges, it is
necessary to state the main facts of the r* conjugations in
Assvrian.

84 ^'1 ]i Conjugation, ^-c.

There are six conjugations in common nse in the Assyrian,
and connected with these primary conjugations are secondary
conjugations formed by the insertion of n between the first
and second radicals. When the inserted n begins a syUable,
it is accompanied by its own vowel, which may be a, e, or i,
as in the examples —

^ iz^ os-kan, I established.

^ "-^TTT f=^ as-ta-kan, I established.

izll ^J=^ e-bir, 1 crossed over.

>z1l -^Y A^^^ e-te-bir, I crossed over.

tUM^T '>-'-/-''^' He visited.

T>£[] )-<y)-< T^J[ ^^I ip-ti-qi-id, He visited.

When the ri ends a syllable it is unaccompanied by a
vowel, as in the example —

*"T<T-'^ *^ I i^-^iu-su, They submitted.

jrYYY ^ T klt-nu-sn, They were submissive.

In some verbs the Jl is placed before the first radical.
Dr. Hincks says, — "In most verbs defective in the second
radical, the dental precedes the first radical in place of
following it. Thus we have from ^^12. in the aorist of I.t,
it-hu-ni, instead of ib-tu-ni, they came on (90 Layard 63)."'
Tlie verb fc^ll, to come, arrive, is doubly defective, its middle
radical "] being apt to yield up its consonant-sound and
quiesce in the follo^ving voAvel : and its thu'd radical is also
a weak letter.'^ "Concave verbs are not so numerous in
Assyrian as in the cognate dialects."^

The Hebrew concave verl) p^ to stand, stand upright^
stand firmly, be established, is found in Assyrian with the

* Hincks' Specimen Chapters of an Assyrian Grammar, Jom-n. Sac. Lit.,
1855-6, p. 6.

- AssjTian scholars may read with advantage Hayug's two treatises on
Hebrew verbs, containing feeble and double letters, translated by Rev. J. W.
Nutt, M.A., of the Bodleian.

^ AspjTian Grammar, by Rev. A. H. Sayce, !M.A., Fellow ami Tutor of
Queen's College, Oxford.

A n Conjugation, ^-c. 85

same significations. In Assyrian it is found as a verb '^'^^7, as
well as V''i^, and many Hebrew concave verbs are found in
both forms.

^yyyt: ^][^ t:^J^ u-U-in, I established.

^^^Y J>=y *^ it-ku-7iu, He established.

The first example belongs to the primary, and the second to
the secondary, or n conjugation, in which the jl is placed
before the fh-st radical of the theme. In Ukin, the middle
radical J:^ (yod) has lost its consonant-power, and becomes
the vowel i ; and in Itkunu, the im'ddle radical tzYYTt: (vaw)
has lost its consonant-power and become the vowel u.

The secondary, or jl conjugation of Assyrian verbs were
possessed of a vital power to originate derivative nouns,
Avith the characteristic n, as in the examples —

S:YYYY ^Z^^Z^ *^"^Y Pit-qu-du, a Guardian,
which is derived from the Jl conjugation

"^^ '-(J'-C J^JJ ^3^y ip-ti-qi-id, He visits,
of the verb

t£Cf I^H ^^T ip-qi-id, He visits.
And

^ ^^^y I^yy *-y<y Bi-U-la-hu, a worshipper,

which is derived from the T\ conjugation of the verb

T>-yy >-^y >^y<y ib-la-ltu, They revered.

I have not registered an example of the r\ conjugation of
Qal of this verb.

A large number of verbs have no secondary or t^ conju-
gations, at least they have not been found in the inscriptions.
It is as improbable that every verb had secondary conjuga-
tions, as that every verb had all the primary conjugations.
It is Avell known that all the conjugations of every verb in
the Hebrew language are not in use. And it is perhaps
equally well known that the verb ""tSp to hill, which is
adopted in several Hebrew grammars as a model of the
Hebrew conjugation, is found only in Qal, while the verb
IpD to visit, exists in all its conjugations in the Hebrew

80 ^ n Conjugation, S^r.

Bible. In Assyrian, as in Hebrew, some conjugations are in
more fi-equent nse than others, and sufficient examples of any
one verb cannot be found in the texts to construct a coin-
plete paradigm. Hebrew grammarians infer firom examples
of other verbs what the lacking forms of ht^p ought to be,
and thus complete the paradigm. Assyrian grammarians
proceeding in the same Avay have constructed a paradigm of
the verb Sakan, to Establish. Such a method in a language
so well known as the Hebrew may be adopted, but even in
Hebrew it is not unaccompanied with danger^ But in
Assyrian the line between fact and inference should be
broadly and strongly marked, at least until verbal forms are
as well understood as in the Hebrew.

The main facts of the ri conjugations are accepted by
all Assyrian scholars, and the present brief statement of
those facts is sufficient for the objects of tliis paper.

The Hebrew Language.

The word ]'^r'^^ occurs in 1 Samuel xxv, 23, 34 ; 1 Kings
xiv, 10 ; xvi, 13 ; xxi, 21 ; and 2 Kmgs ix, 8 ; but only in the
phrase "Vp^ yiyiTO to urine against the loall. In order to
rightly understand the form of the word, it must be studied
in connection M-ith the substantive ]^ip urine, which occurs
twice only in the Bible, both times in the plural, and both
times with the same plural affix DH'*!-''!!? their urine, 2 Kings
xviii, 27, and in the repeated passage Isaiah xxxvi, 12. In
both passages the "^ip adoj)ts the descriptive euphuism
G^T:?"^ "''P'^Pj u-aters of the legs.

Early students of the Hebrew language often find it
difficult to refer a derived word to its root, but this difficulty
diminishes as they acquire a knowledge of the grammar.
There are many words whose roots do not occur in the Bible,
but the lexicographers insert the theoretical root in their
lexicons, with some mark to distinguish them. The inser-
tion of such roots is justified by the axiom, that every deriva-
tive must have been derived from a root, whether that root
occiu- in the Bible or not, it being borne in mind that only a
" TTobrew Grammar, by Professor Lee, section 211.

A in Conjugation, ^-c. 87

portion of the Hebrew language is contained in the Bible.
Now the lexicographers themselves have found a difficulty
in referring the word ]'^P^"'^ to its root, and great difference
of opinion exists as to its root, but the grammarians have
ignored the existence of this word, and others of similar
form, which occur m the Bible.

The subjoined tabular statement displays the opinions
held by five distinguished lexicogra2:)hers of the theoretical
root of the Hiphil participle ]''rnr^,

Buxtorf states the root to be Vr\^t

Simonis „ „ iy[i>,

Gesenius „ ,, jritt?.

Lee „ „ jntlj.

FUrst „ „ ptr\

The gTammatical difficulty is to derive the noun ]^tl? and
the particij)le ]'^i7'tp^ from the same root. There is no doubt
that the participle ]"^rityO can be regularly derived from the
root liltLN and it is equally doubtless that the noun ]']ti? cannot
be derived from it. The question to solve is, as to the origin
of the il in the participle. Fih-st is the only one of the five
who has endeavoured to solve the question. Under the
leading word ptlj which he states to be unused, he says,
^^ Hiphil '\^r\'^71 (a form arising from the insertion of jl, for
ptprT; participle ]''riiI/0)," — and then he goes on to state
that the insertion of Jn is found in certain other words. His
solution then is, that the ri, Avhich does not occur in Qal, is
mserted in the Hiphil conjugation, and is therefore found in
the Hiphil participle.

Although Simonis makes no formal statement of liis
attempt to solve the question, his reference of the participle
to the root l^ti) is evidence that- he believed the ri to have
been inserted in Hiphil. And thus there is high authority
for the opinion, that a ]l i^iay be introduced into a derived
conjugation of a verb, although there is none in its Qal. But
whatever weight may attach to the opinion of these dis-
tingaished lexicographers, Hebraists know that the opinion
is not only unsupported by, but contrary to the doctrines of
Hebrew grammar, and therefore the opmion is to be rejected.

88 A n Cniijmjatwn, cjr.

Assyrian scholars can readily solve the difficulty, for they
see in tlus participle a vestige of the secondary conjugation
of a verb. The Hiphil participle ]'^i?tP0 comes from the
Hiphil secondary conjugation I'^rilTrT' which is derived from
the secondary conjugation of Qal ]•^^^ Now irW is the
secondary conjugation either of ptp according to Simonis, or
of p\2} accordmg to Fiirst, of which I'^tTn is the Hiphil,
whence comes the noini l^tT. Thus the noun is derived
from the primary conjugation and the participle from the
secondary conjugation of the same verb.

It remains to be noticed that ptl? is a concave verb, and
therefore the characteristic n of the secondary conjugation,
according to Assyrian usage, ought to be prefixed to the
stem, but it is contrary to the genius of the Hebrew language
for r\ to precede a sibilant, and the violence done to the
prefix r^Tl of the Hithpahel conjugation, by causing it to
open and receive within it the fii'st radical of Q sibilant verbs
is well known, as a means to prevent such sequence.

The word DiT'i'^^ occurs once, Isaiah ix, 18, and no other
part of the verb is found in the Bible. It is a Niphal form,
and means is burned, consumed, which is the most ancient
sense of the word, for it is rendered by the LXX ovvKeKavTai,
which suits the context. Buxtorf, however, after Kimchi,
renders it Obscurari, but this does not suit the context.
Modern lexicographers, including Gesenius, Lee, and Fiirst,
accept the sense of the LXX, and this sense is confirmed
by the occurrence of the word in a Phoenician inscription,
which Gesenius shows must mean combustus est.

The theoretical root is Dr\J^. The Arabic cognate is ^JL£
(Bstus ingens, as pointed out by Lee. Fiirst derives the verb
from the unused root Q^i^, which is the source of D^i^ heat,
glow, Isaiah xi, 15, with a Jl inserted. And he points out a
similar derivation for the Arabic cognate. ^

A careful study of the organic root in the cognates Q?^'^'
DIT will show that the Jl is no part of it, and it being
found in Dn^^ could only come as the jl of the secondary
conjugation.

' Ili'b. Lex. 5ni,\

^4 n Conjugation, <^-c. 89

The word nhri^^ occurs in Zechariah iv, 12, and nowhere
else in the Bible, pipes, tubes. The word, is connected with
■^13^ which occurs twice, 2 Samuel v, 8, and. Psalm xlii, 8,
rendered, water-course in the former, and. loater-spouts in the
latter place in the authorised version.

Buxtorf refers the word 113^ to the theoretical root 1^!?,
He refers nhJyi^^ to no root, and does not connect it with
■^iSl^. Simonis considers the word Hh/^w^ to be a compound
word, composed of "113!^ a canal, and "^i!)^ to flow. It would
be a h^^brid word, Hebrew and Aramasan, but the word '^P\l
does not occur- in the sense of a liquid flowing*.

Gesenius does not refer either word to a root.

Lee does not refer "^13^ to a root. And of DhPi^ he
says, " The etymology is uncertain."

Fiirst connects the two words, and offers an explanation
of the n. He derives both from the theoretical root '^^^.

" Pihel I, "^3^ (not used) intensive of Kal, deriv. 1132.
Pihel II. "^i^l^^ (with jl inserted) to make holloio throughout,
to deepen, whence n^^i^l^l*; compare '^^V'^ I. (from "^UJi^ 11.)
and ^PS^V II. (from ^^V I.), belongmg to n;;)J31tp^. rT\rm
(from "^3^ Pihel 11. "1^5^' which see; only in pi. c. ilhip:^
after the form n1'^i;itp:^) /. a tube."

Buxtorf, Simonis, Gesenius, and Lee, were profound
Hebrew scholars, and yet they failed to see the connection
between the words "^132 and ilhJn3!^. Fiii-st saw that con-
nection, which they failed to see, and he correctly derived
both substantives from the theoretical root 13^) but his
explanation of the r\ in Jinn^!^ is to be rejected.

The word "^"13^, eniissarium, is a substantive derived from
the theoretical Pihel "^3^? of the theoretical Qal "13!^. This
ancient derivation cannot be doubted.

The word rT^ijl^^ tiibi, fistulce is a plural substantive
derived from the theoretical Pihel '^ii\^3^) of the theoretical
Qal 1iil3!i5 which is the secondary or jl conjugation of "^3^.

Assyrian scholars Avill at once recognise a vestige of a ri
conjugation in the word rihri3!^5 and see the true explana-
tion of the n in the word. They will notice its occurrence

90 A ri Conjuaation, cjr.

after the second radical, while in Assyrian its ordinary place
is between the first and second radicals, and exceptionally
before the first. I have registered other instances of the
insertion of Jl between the second and third radicals, but
too few safely to reason npon them, still it is probable, that
as the r\ i« placed before the first radical in concave verbs
in the Assyrian, for the sake of identification of the root,
so it may after the second for a similar reason.

The word Hir'^''^* occurs in Dent, vii, 13 ; xxviii, 4, 18, 51,
and each time in the phrase T|!?^^!^ nhijltl^i^? Avliich is trans-
lated "• flocks of thy sheep " in the authorised version. The
four passages in which the phrase occurs specify the blessings
of abundance promised for obedience, and the curses of
poverty for disobedience to the law. '' And he will love thee,
and bless thee, and multiply thee : he will also bless the
fruit of thy womb, and the fruit of thy land, thy corn, and
thy wine, and thine oil, the increase of thy kine, and the
flocks of thy sheep, in the land Avliich he sware unto thy
fathers to give thee. Thou shalt be blessed above all people :
there shall not be male or female barren among you, or
among your cattle." (Deut. vii, 13, 14.) The substance of
this, mth most of the details, is repeated in Deut. xxviii, 4.
The curses in similar details are given in verses 18 and 51 of
the same chapter.

The word ilhritL''^ is a feminine jilural, in the construct
state, and occurs nowhere else in connection with flock, or
at all in the Bible, so that it may be said to occm- but
once. It cannot mean flocks, for that is expressed by the
followdug word. TV22 is the Hebrew word for a sheep or a
goat (Exodus xii, 5,) and has no plural, but "jS2^ is used for
the plural, or rather as a noun of multitude, for a flock of
sheep or goats, as the case may be. This is all well known
to Hebrew scholars, who liave therefore good reason to reject
this translation in the authorised version. A careful study
of the context shows that some word denoting j^^'oduce,
increase, riches, icealt/i, or the like, is rec^uired. Luther felt
this, and translated it fruits, — '* die Friichte deiner Schaafe."
Both Eichhorn and Simonis felt that such a word is required ,

^ n Conjugation, ^-c. 91

and take the word to be a compound of the Hebrew "^^?!^
he was rich, and its Aramaic cognate "^r^V^ but this com-
pound, although satisfactory for the sense, cannot be accepted.
Professor Lee took it for a compound of the Arabic Vj.
modum excessit, and ^'^V wealth, but this compound, although
also satisfactory for the sense, cannot be accepted as an
explanation of the form. Gesenius introduces the idea of
begetting, and translates the phrase, veneres, amores gregis.
The requirement of the context, however, is not merely
begetting, but the other elements necessary for the well-
doing and increase of the flock, and the one is not put for
the other in the history of Jacob's dealing with Laban's
flock (Genesis xxx, 37, et seq.), besides which "^tlj]^ does not
signify begot, but he ivas rich. Fllrst adopts the view ot
Gesenius, and, by n)ean8 of linguistic manipulation of two
imaginary roots, attributes the sense of begetting to "^Pi\
which it does not bear in itself, nor in any of its derivatives
in the Hebrew Bible.

The word ilhrit^y is a derivative fi-om the secondary or
n conjugation of the verb '^0^^ he was rich. The corre-
sponding word in Qal of the jl conjugation is "^Jltpi^ he
ivas inch. And from this is regularly formed the feminine
plm'al construct n'^ril^i^ riches, which fully accounts for the
form of the word, and supplies the sense demanded by tJie
context.

Assyrian scholars will observe that the characteristic jl of
the secondary conjugation stands between the second and
third radicals, instead^ of its usual place between the first and
second. It does so for the same euphonic reason that the jl
of the Hebrew preformative PiH is placed after the first
radical in stems whose fu-st radical is "Qj,

Hehreio Proper Names.

The etymology of Hebrew proper names is a subject on
which there is much divergence of opinion. The Hebrew
language does not delight in compound appellative words,
although so many of its proper names are compounds. The
principles adopted for abbreviating the separate elements of

92 A r^ Conjugation, Sfc.

such compounds prior to tlicii- junction are very imperfectly
Tinderstoocl. Some of these names appear to be formed of
elements derived from secondary conjugations of verbs, and
are therefore noticed here.

The word "TT'''l'n, the name of a city, occurs 1 Chron. iv, 29,
and it is "written TT'ijnyt;^ in Joslma xix, 4. The prefix T'i^,
which appears to represent the Arabic article, is dropped in
tlie later orthography. The word "TT'ii^ i^^'^y he compared
with ni7'in a genealogi/, as derived from "17^ to hear. Both
words are derivatives of the secondary conjugation of T7!J,
in which the jl is prefixed to the stem as in concave verbs.

The word T'lb^ritTS! occurs in Joshua xv, 33, as the name
of a city in Canaan, which, on the subjugation of the country
by the Hebrews, was possessed by Judali, but afterwards
was allotted to Dan (Joshua xix, 41). The Hebrews re-named
some of the captured cities (Joshua xv, 13, 15, 60), but most
of them appear to have retained their old names.

The city /T^J3)lL''i;^ retained its name (Judges xiii, 25),
and originated the gentile noun '^7t:^rill?t^ Esldaulite,
(1 Chron. ii, 53).

Fiii-st says— "^"i^^riU^tji {hollow-icaij, fi'om h^\D). As to
the derivation, the word is a noun-form, which has arisen out
of the conjugation constituted by 'P^i^ (that may have been
more frequent in the earlier period of the language, to judge
by the Phoenician), and which is only preserved in some
proper names."

The word 7l!:^tt? signifies to ask, in which sense it is found
in Chaldee, Syriac, Arabic, Phoenician, and Assyrian. And
it has no otliL^r root. Fiu'st probably had in las mind tlie
substantive T'i^ty hollow of the hand, i.e. the palm (Isaiah xi, 12)^
when he wrote the paragraph. And he must have forgotten
that he had treated of certain appellatives, which he describes
to be constituted by TM^, which I have referred to above.

The Avord 3^'^^^ltp!^^ occm-s in Joshua xxi, 14, as the name

A n Conjugation, ^-c. 93

of a city of Canaan, which appears to have retained its name
after the subjugation of the country by the HebreAvs. It is
also written H/Ori^^, as stated by Fiirst, but not in Van der
Hooght's Bible.

Fiirst refers the first form to a root V^O"^ to be high, and
the second to a root I^^^ to be high, but both roots he states
"fo be mmsed, and from these, ^ith an inserted Ji, he derives
the two forms of the word.

Scholars may well hesitate to receive this derivation, for —

(1.) The word is not Hebrew, it is probably Phoenician,
and far too little is known of Phoenician to justify any
philological speculations on proper names.

(2.) The root i^^tT* does not signify to be high, but to hear.

(3.) The form n^tDJl^^ is not to be considered as a variant
form, but as an error of a copyist.

(4.) The root ""f^'^ does not exist in Hebrew. It is, how-
ever, a possible root, and may be the source of the
plural noun D^^li? heavens. If so, it is cognate with
U^ (dtus fait.

(5.) These are not roots which theory demands for deri-
vatives of known definite senses, but are imaginary
roots for noun-forms of which the senses are unknown.

(6.) And no topographical reason can be urged for the
assumed sense, for the site of the city is unknown.

The word p^ltl^i*^ occurs as the proper name of a man in
a genealogical list, 1 Chron. iv, 11. This is a Hebrew word,
which Fiirst derives from a root ptT, which he states to be
unused, but allied to the roots 1^'^ and IH^ to rest, be at ease,
with n inserted. The root pUJ in this sense is unknown in
the Hebrew, and is not a theoretical, but an imaginary
root.

The word il'^Htpi^ occurs m the Hebrew Bible both as a
personal, and as a local name. As a personal name it first
occurs in the time of the Judges, soon after the death of
Joshua (Judges ii, 13), but as a local name it occurs in the
time of Abram, for before Chedorlaomer king of Elam and

94 A n Covjugatlou, <S)-c.

his confederates made their raid upon Sodom and Gomorrah,
"they smote the Rephaim in D^^"\i? niritTV Ashteroth Kar-
naim," i.e. the two-horned Ashteroth (Genesis xiv, 5).

The word has presenled much difficulty to translators,
but more to etymologists. The form of the word is feminine
plural, but it is foreign to the Hebrew language, although so
well known in Canaan, whence it probably first came to the
Hebrews. It is taken as a feminine singular by the trans-
lators of the authorised version, but continental translators,
including Luther and Diodati, take it as a masculine singular ;
thus, in the passage,' " they have forsaken me, and have wor-
shipped Ashtoreth the goddess of the Zidonians " (1 Kings xi,
33), is rendered by Luther, '■^ Astoreth den Gott der Zidoniei\"
The Hebrew phrase \'21'$ ^r)hiji nintr^r cannot be trans-
lated -without doing grammatical violence to some part of it;
and a parallel phrase 3''^"^? Vl?^"* ^!?J^^''^^ in the passage
" which Solomon the king of Israel had builded for Ashtoreth
the abomination of the Zidonians " (2 Kings xxiii, 13), does
not aid in solving the difficulty.

The Hebrew Bible of itself supplies no evidence beyond
the form of the word to determine whether it is a god or a
goddess, w^hether one or many. The Bible in its simple
gi-andeur condemns the worship of other gods, and some by
name, amongst these is Ashtoreth, but is silent as to the
character of the worship, and the nature of the person wor-
shipped.

The LXX write the word rj 'AaiaprT], which is a trans-
literation, as near as the Greek alphabet allows, of the
Hebrew nintTJ?, but the word was already current in Greek
literatm'e in exactly the same form, from a transliteration of
the Phoenician niiTC^i^. Thus the LXX took the Hebrew
word to be a feminine singular, precisely as the earlier Greek
writers had taken the Phoenician word.

Some Hebrew lexicographers identify the name of the
goddess Avith the appellative niHU?^ of Deut. vii, 13, while
others deem them to be distinct words. Gesenius takes it to
be a Shemitic form of the Persian ^ ,U*j sitareh, a star, while
Fiirst identifies it with the appellative.

.1 r) Conjuyation, ^r. 95

The recovery of the Assyrian language has opened up to
us a knowledge of the early Sliemite Pantheon, as compiled
by native authors, who were actual worshippers of those gods
and goddesses in their respective temples. In those inscrip-
tions we read much of Ishtar, the Ashteroth of the Bible, as
written by her worshippers.

The scanty notices of early Sliemite paganism found in
the Hebrew Bible, and the sketches of Greek and Latin
writers on the religion of the Phoenicians have been explored,
analysed, and discussed by profound scholars with but un-
satisfactory results. The orthodox Hebrew, obeying the law
of Moses, never unnecessarily mentioned even the names of
other gods, ^ and when so named, it was often accompanied
by some word expressive of his disgust,^ The Greeks and
Romans appear to have known but little of foreign religions,
and saw j\hirs and Venus in the Pantheon of the Phoenicians,
but a fuller knowledge of the old Sliemite Pantheon causes
Assyrian scholars to doubt such identifications. The extent
and value of the Assyrian and Babylonian records brought to
hght, by the excavations made in the valleys of the Tigris
and Euphrates, are known only to the few scholars who have
studied them. These records contain much information con-
cerning Ishtar, the Ashteroth of the Bible.

The name written phonetically in Assyrian cuneiform is

H ^yy >£yyy <y— yy<T ish-ta-ar, or .^y ^yy ^

Ish-tar, Avhich transliterated into Hebrew letters is "^rit!)^.
But the name is more commonly expressed by monograms,
of which there are several, as >->-y»-^y, >->-y /ly, >->-y>-yy<Y,
>->-y ^yify, '^'^y ^"^I^I' THs monogrammatic writing
belongs to the pre-Shemitic period of Babylonia, so that the
goddess Ishtar was worshipped in early Babylonia before the
advent of the Shemites into the country. The Assyi-ians
appear to have adopted the mythology of Akkad, and they
preferred to express the names of their deities m the mono-

" And in all things that I have said unto you be cii'cumspect : and make no
mention of the name of other gods, neither let it be heard out of thy mouth." —
Exodus xxiii, 13.

- 2 Kings xxiii. 13.

96 A pt Conjugation, cjr.

grams of Akkad, mixed with tlioir plionetic ^^Titiiig, clown to
the latest times.

Ishtar is a goddess of great power, as she is " goddess of
Heaven and earth," and of high dignity, as she is daughter
of Assur (the chief god of Assyria), and sister of ]\Iarduk.
She was the tutelary goddess of several cities, as of "^^St
Ereck (a city mentioned with ^5^ AJckad, in Genesis x, 10),
a most ancient city. The Assyrian pronunciation of these
Akkadian monograms is Ishtar, but their Akkadian pronuncia-
tion is unknown. It is, however, now certam that the etymo-
logy of the word rTHil^''!^ must be sought outside the Hebrew
language, and the word, as Gesenius thought, may not be
Shemitic. And therefore the views of Furst are to be
rejected.

Hebrew lexicons contain many words, both verbs and
nouns, which belong to the secondary or pi conjugations of
concave verbs, and which are placed under the letter p, as
I^Jl, wliich is the secondary or p conjugation of p3, Some
lexicogTaphers describe them to be cognate words, others
describe p3 as the root of the derivative ]^^, but all
assume the p to be radical.

The verb p3, both iu its primary and in its secondary
or p conjugations, is of frequent occurrence both in Assyrian
and in Hebrew. The verb p3 is in common use in all its
primary conjugations in the Hebrew Bible, and its secondary
or p conjugations are also in use in Qal, Niphal, Pihel and
Puhal. It is unnecessary to add to the length of the paper
by quoting the examples, as reference is made to a sufficient
number in the lexicons under the word ]3ri.

The verb t^il, both in its primary and in its secondary
or p conjugations, is also of frequent occurrence both iu
Assyrian and in Hebrew. The verb ^^i!!! is in common use
in most of its primary conjugations iu the Hebrew Bible, but
its secondary conjugations ai-e represented only by the deri-
vative feminine noun Hh^^iri. Tliis is the participle in Qal,
so that the primary conjugation in Qal must have had a
secondary or p conjugation, whence the p participle is
flerived.

-i n Coiijut/afloii, cfc. 97

It is one thing to describe such pairs of words as p5 and
p^, whether as cognates, or as a further development of
the root by moans of jl, but it is a very different thing to
account for the presence of the jl. Hebrew lexicographers,
from early times down to and including Fiirst, have vainly
endeavoured to satisfy scholars by sucli descriptions, but
have not even attempted to show why stems should be
further developed by a n in preference to any other letter.
Every student of Hebrew could see that the stem p5 is
enlarged to pil, by prefixing a H to the first radical, and
he desired the profound lexicographer, or grammarian to
inform him what he means by a stem being developed, and
why by a jn. He asks, is prefixing a jl to p3 enlarging it
by development?

The fact is, that the profound est Hebrew scholars, such
men as Furst, could not account for this H, until the recovery
of the long-lost Assyrian language enabled them to do so :
and no Hebrew scholar appears to have applied this know-
ledge of the Assyrian to the elucidation of the Hebrew
language. The existence of jl conjugations secondary to
the primary conjugations of Assyrian verbs suggested to me
some years ago to search for vestiges of such secondary con
jugations in Hebrew, and it was not until the discovery of
some of the vestiges already discussed that search was made
for tlie ri conjugations of concave verbs, which I inferred
would be found in the lexicons under r\, where I found them
registered, each with a reference to another stem described
either as the root, or as a cognate.

Examples of concave verbs are subjoined, with some de-
rivatives of their n conjugations, the object in view is not
to supply a hst of them, but merely to quote enough to
justify the statements concerning them.

D^p to Stand up, to Stand up against.

The secondary or r\ conjugation of which is Qlpn, or DpD,
but as a verb it does not occur in the Bible. The feminine
noun HT^^pri Power of Standing, is derived from the Pihel
secondary conjugation. And it is noteworthy that tlie Pilel
form Q^lp has a secondary form, whence is derived Qplpri,
an Adversary.

YOL. II. V

98 A I^ Conjugation, ^-c.

The verb in its Sliapliel primary conjugation occurs in
Assyrian historical inscriptions (Tiglath-Pileser vii, 103), and
also derivative nouns of the secondary or jl conjugations, as
J[j^ *^y "^y Tuk-ma-tc, Opponents (Sargon 25).

UT\ to be High, raised Aloft.

The secondary or Jn conjugation of which is D1"^n, or
Uyr\', but as a verb does not occur m the Bible. The feminine
noun H^^1<n, a Heave offering, is derived from the Hiphil
secondary or jl conjugation. The Pihel conjugation of D^"^
is of the Pile] form QP'i"^, to Raise, and from the secondary
or n conjugation of this form is derived the masculine
noun D?pi"1il, Elevation.

pn, to Perceive, Understand.

The secondary or jn conjugation of which is plJl, or pri,
but as a verb it does not occm- in the Bible. The feminine
noun n^'liJl, understanding, skill, is derived from the Pihel
secondary or jl conjugation.

H^i, to Grow (of plants).

The secondary or ]l conjugation of Avhicli is m^il, or '2211,
but as a verb it does not occur in the Bible, The feminine
noun n^lii^l, fruit, produce of ])lants, is derived from the Pihel
secondary or pi conjugation. The regular Pihel of the verb,
however, is not extant, for the only Pihel now found in the
Bible is that of the Pilel form llli.

p^lLN to Desire.
The secondary or Jn conjugation of which is pTl^'ri,
pXI^D, but which as a verb does not occur in the Bible. The
feminine noun tlj^^UJri, desire, longing, is derived from the
Pihel secondary or D conjugation.

D^i, to Slumber, Fall Asleep.
The secondary or pi conjugation of udiich is Dl^jn, or '02P,
but which as a verb does not occur in the Bible. The
feminine noun tl^^^ri, slumber, is derived from the Pihel
secondaiy or p conjugation, exactly as n?^^I3, Slumber, is
derived from the Pihel primary conjugation.

A n Conjugation, ^-c. 99

i^^l to Shout, make a Noise.

The secondary or H conjugation of which is i^Tin, or
i^'^n, hut which as a verb does not occur in the Bible. The
feminine noun n^^'^il, shouting, is derived from the Pihel
secondary or T^ conjugation. The Pihel primary conjugation
is not extant in the Bible.

The secondary conjugations of the Hebrew language,
like those of the Assyrian, are built up by the insertion of H
in the stem. The vestiges to which I have drawn attention
supply indisputable evidence of the existence of such con-
jugations at some remote period in the language. The
secondary conjugations of concave verbs are built up m both
languages by prefixing the jl to the stem. I have referred
to concave stems enlarged by aa initial in, wliich are regis-
tered in the lexicons under in, with their roots added, but
the relationship of the root and its derivative not understood
by the lexicographer. I have now to draw attention to other
than concave stems, which are enlarged by initial il, also
registered in the lexicons under in, and also not understood
by the lexicographers, but which are derivatives of the
secondary conjugations of the verbs.

The verb "^^H t(^ Walk, is as common in Assyrian as it is
in Hebrew. The in of the secondary conjugation in Assyrian
is inserted between the first and second radicals, but in
Hebrew it is prefixed to the first radical, as in the feminine
derivative noun ili^D/nJn Processions, from "^^H to Walk,

The noun ITiD /l}^ is not derived dh'ect from the verb
'TJT'rT, but from its secondary or il conjugation ^THil. The
difference of form is well displayed by writing the Assyrian
in Hebrew letters.

Hebrew Y^T^, secondary conjugation ^T7T\T\*
Assyrian y^T^, „ „ ^TTin.

The difference may not have been great to the ear, for the
weak letter n would be scarcely audible in either example,
and in the noun ili^/D-D it is pointed with a substitute of
Sh'wa, so that it does not form a syllable.

The verb ^^^^ to desire, long for, is the secondary con-
jugation of i^^^* Furst says, " The stem is enlarged by

100 - ! D Coiijiujo.tion, cjr.

the initial jn from n-!li<!;"i and elsewhere he says, "verbs
t^'^D often passing into n'^D,"^ Fiirst does not attempt to
account for the il, hut Assyrian scholars can have no diffi-
culty in accounting for it. The verb ^.^pi occurs in the fii'st
person preterite '^H^t^il twice in Psalm cxix, 40, 174.

The feminine noiui D'l^iri, and its variant H'^ll'^Jl, are
feminine nouns derived fi'om the secondary conjugation of
the verb T1'2D to increase in number or size. The verb HD,"!)
occurs in the Assyrian language, and Ihe H of its secondary
conjugation is also prefixed to the stem, as is shown by the
derived noun >-»rc >^W'\ tar-bit, growth, which, written in
Hebrew letters, is iT'lliri. The Assyrian and Hebrew are
identical.

Furst, speaking of ^P> from nC'l says, — "out of
which it is developed by T\ ; many stems n'^D coinciding

with r^"h."^

The r\ of the secondary conjugation is prefixed to the
stem of some perfect verbs as T"^^ to recompense, and from its
secondary conjugation is derived the masculine noun T"l^^ri,
a recompense. And it is of great interest to notice that
a parallel noun derived from the primary conjugation exists
v^^2, -which is also masculine.

The verb UJIlv to clothe, has a secondary conjugation by
the Jl prefixed to the stem, whence is derived the feminine
noun r\\l?^7Jl a garment. The verb \ri7 occurs also in
the Assyrian language, but the JH of its secondaiy conju-
gation is inserted between the first and second radicals,
/* ■^>- T lat-bu-su, they clothed or covered. The Rev.
A. H. Sayce, M.A., is the only writer on Assyrian grammar
who lias drawn attention to the structure of the secondary
conjugation of Assyrian verbs by prefixing the ]1 to the
root.** It is beyond the scope of my paper to discuss the
Assyrian verbs, which are referred to only for the liglit they
reflect on the secondary conjugations of verbs in the Hebrew
language, and I have no intention to intrude a lexicon of
all these secondary conjugations of the Hebrew language on
the Society, under guise of a paper explanatory of then forms.

1 Heb. Lex. sub voce ^fc^H. ' ^'j'*^- t^lH. ^ I^i'^l- Pl'^D.
■* Assyrian Grammar, p, 110.

A r\ Conjugation, <^-c. 101

The Phcenician Language.

The fragments of tlie Phoenician language which are
known to us consist of —

a. Inscriptions written by natives in the Phoenician

character ; and
/3. Portions of dialogue in the Poenulus of Plautus.

A brief account of each will be given.

a. Inscriptions loritten hy Natives in tlie Phoenician
Character.

These inscriptions are very difficult to read and translate,
from the following circumstances : —

1. The characters are difficult, for some are much alike,

as those for ^ and tl^ ; and 1, 1, and ■^.

2. The Phoenicians did not group the letters into words.

3. The consonants only are wa-itten.

4. An incompleted word at the end of one line is carried

on to the next line without a mark to show that the
word is incomplete.

These circumstances allo"w great latitude to the student
in grouping the letters into words, and consequently affect
the translation. The short votive tablets are of course less
affected than the long inscriptions of Sidon and Marseilles.
There is much agreement in all the translations, and those of
the profoundest Hebrew scholars differ chiefly in details. My
inquiry is limited to the vestiges of ]! conjugations which
are obvious to an Assyrian scholar.

The word jf^^Hi^i occurs in a votive inscription wliicli
has been translated and discussed by Gesenius, who identifies
the word with Qi!1i^.^ of Isaiah ix, 18.^ He rightly describes
the word as the third person feminine of the Niphal preterite,
and translates it combustus est.

I have shown under the Hebrew word D^^i^J?, tliat the il
is the chaj'acteristic of the secondary conjugation, that the
Qal secondary conjugation is DHi^ of the Qal primary con-
jugation QIJ^.

^ Script. Ling. Plicon. Monumenta, p. 452.

102 -1 n Conjugation, ^-c.

The final ^^ Gesenius shows to be a feminine form inter-
chang-eable with n, J^^s Hlli^ ^^^^ t^lli? are both used as
feminines of T^J^, ^

The word "^^HD^ occurs in the 29th inscription from
Kitimn, contained in Gesenius' great work. It is a votive
inscription, wliich he has translated and discussed.

Gesenius takes the word to be the Hithpahel participle
of "^^D, clausit.- The vei'b "^^D, to surround, enclose, shut in,
is a well-known verb in Hebrew, Chaldee, and Syriac. The
cognate "^IlD in Assyrian is also well known in the same
sense. The sense clausit then may be accepted as the sense
of the verb in Phoenician. The word is doubtless a participle,
but the word cannot bear a Hithpahel sense in the passage,
and is not generally accepted.

Fih-st rejects it, and considers the verb to be like certain
Hebrew verbs constituted by Pii^,^ These verbs and their
derivatives I have shown to be secondary or ]! conjugations
of principal verbs. And the participle ")^riD^ is derived
from the secondary conjugation l^inD of the primary con-
jugation i;iD, to shut in.

/S. Portions of Dialogue in the Poenulus of Plautus.

These portions of dialogue are difficult to read from the
following cu'cumstances, although there is a free Latin version
annexed,

1. The words are wi'itten in Roman letters, as nearly as
those letters could represent Phoenician words to a
Roman ear. The Roman alphabet, however, could
very imperfectly represent Shemitic words, for —

a. n and H are represented by H.
/3. iU, tr, 0, 1, iind ;:J arc represented by S, some-
times by Z.
7. 12 and r\ are represented by T.
B. '3, p, and sometimes n tire represented by C.

' Script. Ling. Phcen. Monumcnta, p. 410. - Ibid. p. 150.

3 Furst's Heb. Lex. sub voce 7i«5nr^5.

A ]1 Conjugation, ^x. 103

2. The letters are not grouped into words.

3. The vowel-sounds of the Phoenician are expressed by

the ordinary vowels of the Latin, as pronounced by
Plautus, of course the pronunciation of his age.

4. The dialogue has been corrupted, probably by the

carelessness of scribes, for the text varies in different
editions.

I^hese circumstances occasion diversity in the reading and
translation, but the foundation was laid by Bochart, and he
has been followed in the main. My inquiry is limited to the
occurrence of Jl conjugations of verbs in the text.

The word DQ^lTt^, which is a verb in Qal, signifying, /
am terrified, occurs in Poenulus iii, 23. I have not met with
the word D^tl? in the Phoenician inscriptions, but it is a well-
known Hebrew word, signifying / af)n terrified. Assyrian
scholars will readily admit DQ^U?S! to be the T\ conjugation
of the verb D^UJ.

Fiu'st, under the Hebrew word T'i^Jntl?i<!, says, — " As to the
derivation, the word is a noun form which has arisen out of
the conjugation of the verb constituted by "H^^ (that may
have been more frequent in the earlier period of the language,
to judge by the Phoenician), and which is only preserved in
some proper names. On this conjugation of the verb con-
stituted by 'H^ compare the Phoenician "^-^^Di^, to he shut
up (Kit. 29, 2). the futures D?prity^ (estimim) / am terrified
(Poen. iii, 23), 7^^ritp« (ysthiyal) / request (ib. i, 2), beside
b^'!piii (ysyl) / asl (ib. i, 10) i^TO^ (ityada) / am 2?erceived
(ib. i, 8), Q^ynS! (etalam) / am groion up (ib. iii, 23)." And
he adds, " of the Hebrew words, ^Nritp«, ^^ITSt, nbnip^^,
and i^bntyt«i should therefore be referred to ^^tlS JitlS HnU?,
and :irntp."

Fiirst then recognises the inserted Jl, as he calls it, in
both the Hebrew and Phoenician languages. The recognition
of the form is a great advance in knoAvledge, beyond all pre-
ceding grammarians and lexicographers. But he does not
appear to hold this new knowledge very firmly, nor to appre-
ciate its extent, for in the passage just quoted, in speaking of
the Hebrew proper name b'ii^ntlJb^, he says the H form " is

104 -A n ConjtKjatlon, c)x'.

only preserved in some proper names." And yet he has
refeiTed to it in the Hebrew verbs DH!^ to hum, "^^^ to ^<^
united, ptl? to rest, *12^ to deepen, pt!? to floir ; and he has
referred to certain Phoenician verbs, which I have jnst noticed
above.

Fih'st is in error in affirming that the insertion of the H
"lias arisen out of the conjugation of the verb constituted by
'^\^«{, for in no case does an t^ appear in the words mider
consideration, but in every uistance the r\ alone with its
subscribed voAvel, or a sllwa is found. There appears 1o be
no evidence for the rib^ as the origm of the r\ in such forms.
Assyrian scholars to whom the form is familiar have no
opinion as to the origin of the jl in Assyrian, and of course
none for its origin in any other Shemitic dialect ; indeed they
could not have, for the present memoir is the first announce-
ment of the existence of jl conjugations in Hebrew, Phoe-
nician, and other Shemitic dialects, like those found in the
Assp-ian.

The word /t^^t^i^, which is a verb in Q.il, signifying /
ash, occm-s in Poeuulus i, 10, and the word T'^^F*^^^) which is
a verb in the r\ conjugation of Qal, occurs in Poenulus i. 2.
Gesenius, in his commentary on this inscription, renders the
former by interrogaho, and the latter by the German erheten
werden.^ Thus Gesenius sees that both words belong to the
same verb ; he must have seen that both are in Qal, yet he
draws no attention to the r\ between the first and second
radicals, and offers liis translation of T'^i^ritTt^ by erheten
werden, without reference to an authority in justification.
The occurrence of this jl indeed appears to have made so
little impression on his mind, that he ignores the existence
of the form in his Grammatica Phcpnicia et Pimica,^ and
omits both words in his index or alphabetical list of Phoeni-
cian words. ^

Fiirst, under tlie word 'T'^^rilTi^! in lii.s Hebrew lexicon,
refers to certain Phoenician words "constituted by r\^^,"
inckiding the verb y^^FltTi^, which he rightly connects with

• Script. Ling. Phoeii. Momunciita, p. .370. - Ibid. p. 130.

•^ Ibid. p. 470.

A n Co)iju[/afAon, c)'x'- 105

vb^ipt;^, and appears to think there is a distinction in sense
between them, whicli he endeavours to express by render-
ing T'^tt?^«t / ask, and T'^?^ltp^^ / request. I qnote from Dr.
Davidsons' translation of the third edition of Fiirst's Hebrew
and Chaldee Lexicon, 1867. Dr. Davidson knows, and most
probably Dr. Flirst does too, that the verbs to ask and to
request are duplicate words of the same sense, the former
being of Anglo-Saxon and the latter of Latin origin. If,
therefore, the two Phoenician words differ in sense, that
difference is net expressed by the two English words adopted
to effect it.

Assyi-ian scholars in T'b^Jltp^^ will recognise the jl conju-
gation of v'i^lT^^ to ask.

The Avord i^"l^rii^ occm-s in Poenulns i, 8. Filrst in
explainuig the p of 7t^rilIJi^ in his Hebrew lexicon, cites
the Phoenician word i^^^rii*^, as one similarly constituted by
ni^, but under the Hebrew i^^T^, he refers to the Phoenician,
and cites the same word i^'T^ilh^ with an entirelj^ different
explanation of the p, for he states the word to be of the
" Itpeal " conjugation. He does not offer this as a correction
of, and in substitution of his previously stated opinion. He
gives no hint of a change of opinion, but leaves the two
statements in all their inconsistency to his readers. The jl
belongs either to the verbal root, or to the characteristic of
the conjugation. It cannot belong to both, and when so
profound a Hebrew scholar as Fiirst is in a difficulty, it may
safely be inferred to be great. An " Itpeal " conjugation is
Aramaic, and the Phoenician verbs are not conjugated after
the Aramaic, but after the Hebrew model, "/w variis verbi
declinatibus lingua Phcpiiicia ah IJehnra nihil differt,^^^ says
Gesenius, and no Phoenician scholar dissents. The statement,
then, of Fiirst, that the word i^l^^riir;^ is an Ithpeal, is to be
rejected.

The r\ of i?Tnt^ belongs to the root, and shows it to be
the secondary or jl conjugation of V^l* The jl of the jl
conjugations in Assyrian is mostly placed between the first
and second radicals. It occupies the same position in the

^ Script. Ling. Phcen. Momimentn, p. 438.

106 A r\ Conjugation, ^-c.

examples Avbich I have quoted from tlie Hebrew and the
Phoenician. But in this example the il precedes the first
radical, but it may not have preceded it in Phoenician utter-
ance, or in native Phoenician writing. Now if Plautus,
unaided by Phoenician orthography, simply endeavoured to
express in Roman letters the sound of the word as he heard
it, the n might either follow or precede the fh-st radical, and
the two sounds given to the word would be so alike, that
few l)ut a practised Phoenician ear would distinguish them.
I subjoin the two orthographies —

i^Tr*^? as written in Plautus.
i^'iri"]^*!, as ANTitten by a Phoenician.

Considering the well known facts of the Ass}Tian orthography
of the T\ conjugations of Assyrian verbs, and those Hebrew
and Phoenician r\ conjugations to which I have drawn atten-
tion, I have no hesitation in correcting the orthography
in Poenulus to i^lj7*?^»

The word D73^ilt^ occurs in Poenulus iii, 23. Fiirst states
the n of the Hebrew word T'^^HIT^^ to be inserted and cites
the word D7i^nt<^, among other Phoenician examples of the
inserted ]1. He omits, however, to state that the H is
inserted before the first radical, while in all the words, except
J^T'ni^ as cited by him, it is inserted between the first and
second radicals.

Gesenius, Fiirst, and Shemitic scholars in general, consider
the most ancient pronunciation of J^, both in Phoenician and
Hebrew, to have been o = the Greek w. The Hebrew ^ had
two sounds, as shown by the transliteration of Hebrew proper
names in the LXX, who represented one by the sjmntus lenis,
as p'^Si? e(f)pcov, the other by 7, as Tl'^V, ja^a, and these
indicate the ain and ghain of the Arabic; language as the two
sounds. Gesenius states the 7 sound of ^ to be rare both in
Hebrew and Phoenician.^ The JT of Oh^ a youth (1 Sam.
XX, 22), is from Q?i^, of which D^^ is a variant, which
indicates the y to be pronoimced soft,

' Script. Ling. Pliron. Moimmontrt, p. 130.

A p\ Conjugation, ^-c. 107

The y having the soft sound, it is quite clear that the
pronunciation of the word to the speaker and its sound to
the hearer would scarcely be affected, whether the r\ of the
secondary conjugation were inserted before or after the first
radical. This fact may easily be verified by pronouncing the
word as written in both ways.

D^i^nt^ as transliterated from the text of Plautus.
Q^iiyi^ as written by a Phoenician.

In Assyrian J^'^Q verbs the characteristic Jl of the
secondary conjugations, as in perfect verbs, is inserted
between the first and second radicals. It is so inserted in the
word DHi^i which occurs both in Hebrew and Phoenician.
And therefore it is better to infer that Plautus or his trans-
literator is in error, than to suppose an exceptional ortho-
gi'aphy by a Phoenician writer.

The Chaldee Language.

The Hebrew participle 'j'^rnll??^ bas been proved to be
derived from the secondary conjugation of ptT, and reference
made to the Chaldee word ]Pi^'

In Buxtorf's Rabinnical Dictionary, certain forms of the
word are registered which do not occur in the Bible.

]nt2}» ppiprr, Mingere, Urijiam reddere.

]rit2?, Urina.

n^rilL^n, Mictio, Urina, Urinatio.

These are all forms of tlie secondary or jl conjugation of
the verb pti?. The idea that IPU? appears as a new verb in
the Mishna and Talmud is to be rejected.

The Chaldee word "^7''ip"l!^ tiaked, is derived from tlio
secondary conjugation of the verb ^'^^ to he nalced, which
is the cognate of the Hebrew ^^^ to he naked. A 10 is
sometimes substituted for a jn? as the characteristic of the
secondary conjugation in the Assyrian, and this example
shows that such a substitution may have place in the Chaldee.

108 -in Coiijiitjatiou, ()\'.

The Chaldee concave verb 'yn, like tliose of the Assyrian
and Hebrew languages, has the characteristic Jl of its
secondary conjugation prefixed to the stem, as appears fi-ora
the feminine derivative ^'^''"m continuance, duration.

The Striac Language.

The S^iiac word •■-^^i^ nah'd, is the same as the Chaldee
'^7''lP1;^, and what is said of the latter is applicable to the
former. The word is a derivative of the secondary conju-
gation of ^^. Fiirst cites the word as having a 4 (,10)
inserted in the root.^

The Arabic Language.

*Ii cestris ingens is cognate with the
Hebrew UTSV, and is derived from the secondary conjuga-
tion of \^ to hum, consume, the characteristic sj:j being
inserted after the first radical.

The Rev. A. H. Sayce, M.A., has already drawer attention
to the characteristic cLi of the secondary conjugation being
prefixed to some stems.^

I have cited examples of the secondary conjugation of
Hebrew verbs in Qal, Niplial, Pihel, and Hiphil, built up by
a ri, either inserted in, or prefixed to the root. I have
shown by examples that secondary conjugations exist in the
Phoenician, Chaldee, Syriac, and Arabic languages. Hence
there is abundant evidence, that secondary conjugations are
not confined to the AssjTian language, but constitute an
essential part of Shemitic speech.

Dr. Oppert treats the Jl of the secondary conjugations in
Assyrian as a servile. If it be a servile in Assyrian, it must
be a sei*vile in Hebrew and the other dialects. Fiirst,
evidently unacquainted with Assyrian, speaks of an enlarge-
ment of the root by Ty^, so that he takes the H to be radical,

' Heb. Lex. snb voce 'Wi^, " Assyvian Giamrnar, p. J 10.

A pi Coiijur/dtioii, c5"f.

109

as do all the lexicographers who register such secondary
forms as n|77'^^ under jl hi then lexicons. The discussion
of the question whether the ]! is radical or servile, I postpone.
The letter jl, whether radical or servile, is of course a
fragment of some word, and represents some value in the
conjugations. It cannot be the Aramaic ril>^, for that has a
passive sense, and the word is yet unknown which the
Aramaic preforraant represents. I postpone also the discus-
sion of this question.

110

COINCIDENCE OF THE HISTORY OF EZRA WITH THE
FIRST PART OF THE HISTORY OF NEHEMIAH

By Rev. Damel Henry Haigii, M.A., F.R.S.L.
Read 4th February, 1873.

Artaxerxes, son of Xerxes and Amestris, follows his
fathei' in the Canon of Ptolemy, B.C. 465, at Babylon ; but he
must have been king some years earlier in Persia (probably
assumed into coregency by liis father), for Thucydides speaks
of him as reigning at the time of Themistocles' flight to
Persia, B.C. 474-3.^ Yet it is said that he was but a boy
when his father was murdered, and that he did not actually
take the throne until some months afterwards.

It is generally admitted that Xerxes is the Ahasuerus of
the Book of Esther ; and, (although this does not affect the
question which is the object of this paper), I think that
Amestris is no other than Esther. The name of Amestris is
assuredly Shemitic, iHD^^^i^,^ and contains that of the
Assyrian goddess Istar, as that of ^^Tl^ contains the name
of ]\Iaruduk : these facts can excite no surprise, when we
consider that there is not a trace of the religion of Israel in
the whole Book of Esther. The time of Amestris is the time
of Esther. The massacre instigated by Esther in B.C. 474,
of 800 men in Shushan, and 75,000 in the provinces, surpasses
everything that has been related of the cruelties of Amestris,
and would be more than enough to brand her memory in
Persia with a stigma of everlasting hatred.

The union of Ahasuerus and Esther was in Tebetli
(December) B.C. 479. If Esther and Amestris be one, the

1 I. 98, 137

2 Analogous to niHITi^i^.

Coincidence of the History of Ezra, S)-c.

birth of Artaxerxes miglit be in Tisliri or Marcliesvan B.C. 478,
and he would be in the thirteenth year of his age at the time
of the murder of his father. A coHation of the Books of Ezra
and Nehemiah shows that there were two computations of
his regnal years, and that the Persian, used by Nehemiah,
was thirteen years in advance of the Babylonian, used by
Ezra : as if, (a supposition by no means unlikely), he had had
the royal dignity conferred on him at his birth. •This colla-
tion clearly establishes the fact that Nehemiah accompanied
Ezra to Jerusalem.

EZRA.

ch.

vii

i, 15.] In the 7th year of
Artaxerxes, on the 1st day
of the month Nisan, Ezra
set out from Babylon,

ii, li.J bearing a letter from
the king authorising the
Jews to return to Jeru-
salem, and commanding
the treasui'ers beyond the
river to give him silver,
wheat, wine, oil, and salt,
for the service of the tem-
ple in Jerusalem.

iii, 15.] He gathered his com-
pany together to the river

viii

NEHEMIAH.

X l] In the 20th year, in the
month Chisleu (November),
Nehemiah was in Shushan.
Hanani brought him intelli-
gence that his brethren in
Jerusalem were in great
affliction, and that the wall
was broken down. He set
himself to fast and pray,
that he might find grace
with the kmg.

li," 1.] In the 20th year of
Artaxerxes, in the month
Nisan, he made request to

if/ 3.] the king (the queen also
sitting by him) for permis-
sion to go and build Jeru-
salem. The king granted
him letters of protection to
the governors beyond the
river, and a letter to the
keeper of the royal forest
for timber for the gates
of the palace, and the wall,
and his own house. (As
this is not said to have

112

Coincidence of the Historii of Ezra with the

EZRA.

that runneth to Ahava,
and abode in tents 3 days.
He found that they had no
Levites in their company,
and he sent for some to
Iddo at Casiphia.

ii, 21. J He found also that he
needed the protection of
a band of soldiers and
horsemen, for ^vhich he
had been ashamed to ask
the king, so they fasted

Ui 23.1 ^^^ besought God for
this, and then* prayer was
heard.
Tiii, 36.] He departed from
Ahava on the 12 th day of
Nisan.

He arrived in Jeru-
salem on the 1st day of

i, 8. ] Ab, and abode there
, 32.] 3 days.

viii

Tii

viii

Ii, 36.] On the 4th day the
king's commission was de-
livered to the king's
lieutenants.

KEHEmAH.
occurred at Shushan, it
may have been at Babylon).

9.] The king had sent
captains of the army and
horsemen with him.

He came to Jerusalem
(as we shall see) on the

ii, li.] 1st day of Ab, and was
there 3 days. Dm'ing this
time he surveyed the walls
by night.

ii,' 18.] Then (on the 4th day)
he told the rulers and the
people the king's commis-
sion, and exhorted them
to begin the work of
building the wall. The
work Avas begmi, and

J^^; \^-] finished on the 25th
of Elul, in 52 days. (It
had, therefore, been com-
menced on the 4th of Ab ;
consequently Nehemiah
arrived in Jerusalem on
the 1st of Ab).

first 'part of the History of Neliemiah.

113

EZRA.

, 9.] Ezra gave thanks to
God before an assembly
of the people, because the
temple and the wall were
built.

NEHEJVnAH.

He made his brother
Hanani, and Hananiah,
rulers of Jerusalem, and
designing to make an
assembly of nobles, and
rulers, and people, he
Tii, 6.] found a register of
those who returned with
Zerubbabel.

TJii, 1.] On the 1st day of
Tisri, Ezra read the law
before all the people from
morning until noon, and
the Feast of Tabernacles
was kept.

It is evident, then, that Ezra set out first on the journey,
that Nehemiah jouied him at Ahava, with the escort for wliich
he had prayed, and that they came together to Jerusalem ;
but Ezra, coming from Babylon, calls it the seventh year, and
Nehemiah, commencing his story at Shushan, the twentieth.
If Ezra's computation was from the date of Artaxerxes'
accession at Babylon, about July B.C. 465, the date of the
journey was Nisan B.C. 458 ; and as this month and Chisleu
preceding belonged to the twentieth year in Persia, the earlier
Persian computation would commence in or before Chisleu
B.C. 478, i.e.^ during the first year of Esther's reign,

Nehemiah was at Jerusalem for twelve years. In the
thirty-second year he was summoned to retm-n to the king,
whose thirty-second year in Persia would partly coincide
with his nineteenth at Babylon.

During the reign of Darius II, i.e. before B.C. 405, and
after the death of the High-priest Eliashib, i.e.., after B.C. 414,
Nehemiah visited Jerusalem again.

Vol. II.

114

KEMARKS UPON A TERRA-COTTA VASE.
By Rev. J. M. Rodwell, M.A.

Read February 4:lh, 1873.

The circular Terra-Cotta Vase, about seven, iuches broad
and two and a half inclies in depth, with a small central
boss, concerning which I am about to make a few remarks,
was found at Hillah, near the supposed site of the ancient
Babylon. It was discovered after a very liigh wind, which
had laid bare a portion of one of the ancient mounds by the
removal of a large quantity of superincumbent sand, and was
taken from its long resting place by Mr. Shemtob, the Arab
gentleman who sold it to the British ^Museum.

This bowl bears a considerable similarity to a number of
terra-cotta bowls in the Assyrian Gallery of the Museum,
which are deeper, indeed, but of similar material with that
now before us, and, like it, inscribed internally with magical
inscriptions in the Hebrew, or rather Chaldee square cha-
racter; and it is supposed that all these were, probably,
alike used for the purpose of purifications or lustral sprink-
lings of water during mcantations or other rites connected
with some mode of divination. But unfortunately, though
\ve have abundant information as to certain lustral rites in
connection with sacrifices among both Greeks and Romans,
Especially the latter, yet there is scarcely any point on
which ancient authorities have handed down to us so little
information, as that of then mode of divining, and making
charms, by water and hy cups or hoiols. This mode, however,
of forecasting the future, and of warding off apprehended
evil, seems to have been practised very extensively, traces
of it being found in ancient India, Egypt, Greece, and Rome,
and even among the Jews as early as the days of Joseph, of
whose divining cup Ave read m Gen. xliv, " Is not this my

Heniarks tipon a Terra- Cotta Vase. 115

lord's cup whereby he divineth?" Perhaps this terra-cotta
vase, taken in connection with the others in the British
Mnseum, may enable us to add Babylonia to the list of those
countries where cyatho, or kvXlko fMavreia—cniJ or bowl divi-
nation— was practised. I will first of all briefly state what the
modes of this divination were, and then offer, but with much
diffidence, a suggestion as to the use to which this lustral
bowl (for such I suppose it to be) • may have been put. The
earliest mention of divination by cups is of course that
already alluded to in the first Book of Moses. The word there
used is ti?ni cognate with tl^nT"? the fundamental significa-
tion of which is to utter a low, whispering and hissing sound, and
hence, to jjj'actise enchantment hy muttenng magical formulai ;
and then, in a general sense, to augur and divine. It is thus
used twice m Gen. xlv, and once again in Gen. xxx, 27,
where Laban says to Jacob, / have consulted divination and
the Lord hath blessed me for thy sake, strangely enough ren-
dered in our version, / have learned hy experience that, S)-c., in
which our translators no doubt followed Jerome's experimento
didici, not bemg aware probably that experimentmn means
augury, as in the usual Latin phrase {e.g. Liv. 1, 36) " experui
augurio."

It was by a cup or !^^^^ that Joseph was in the habit of
divining ; and it is remarkable that the Septuagint translators
should have rendered the Hebrew ^''l^ or cup by Kovhv, which
Athenseus (Deip. ii, 55) explains by TroTTjpiov aaiariKov, and
Hesychius by TroTrjptov ^apjSapLKov. This word kovBu, in the
sense of cup, has also become natui-alised in Arabic and
Persian, and, according to authorities quoted by Bohlen in
his Alte Indien, this was the name of the mystical saucers or
dishes used by the ancient Indian Priests in their religious
ceremonies ; to which Wilson, in the Asiatic Researches
(vol. V, 357), adds, that they were made in the form of a
lotus flower, from which the libation was made. Athenaeus
also speaks of the kovSv as being used in Egypt in religious
ceremonies, as does Jamblichus (iii, 14) ; where Norden, the
German traveller, records that he witnessed a kind of fortune-
telhng by dishes of water in modern times. If the vessel
now before us has any connection with the lotus-shaped

116 Remarks upon a Terra-Cotta Vase.

vessels alluded to above, it is just possible that the boss in
the centre may originally have been meant for the' pistils
and stamens of that flower, and it is curious that Athen^us
in describing different kinds of patellse, mentions those which
have a boss, 6/LL(f)d\o<; or fxeaoix^aXo^, in the centre (xi, p. 357).

Pliny also (xxx, 2) gives us some information as to divina-
tion by Avater as knoAvn to him. One mode of it was by
putting small plates of gold or silver, or precious stones, with
the likeness of the inquii-er, into a sacred bowl, and the answer
of the dfemon or spirit depended for its good or bad signifi-
cance on the manner in which the image was refracted on
the surflice. Another mode was by fastening a ring to a
thread, and suspending it over the water in the cup. The
ring by its varying percussions on some part of the bowl
would reveal the things inquired about.

The water which this bowl now before us contained, may
possibly have been di'ank, and the inscription may have been
supposed to impregnate and charge it ^\\\\\ a kind of talis-
manic virtue. But the thickness of the lip seems to militate
against that supposition. I would rather suggest that a
rotatory motion may have been given to it at the centre by
twisting it with the finger and thumb, or by means of a
string, and so the water sprinkled as a kind of lustration, or
charm, and possibly (though this is merely conjecture) con-
nected with or preparatory to some mode of divination.
That it was used for some such purpose as this is obvious
from the inscription, which is partly Hebrew, partly Chaldee,
and partly Rabbinic Hebrew, the majority of the words being
of the two latter classes. It has been deciphered by myself
and Mr. Drach, to whom I have submitted the following
version, in the general accuracy of which he concurs. It is
as follows :—

fc^nn^u?«i i^^ii^ b^rjD^T x^T\pn M'^'2V^ rw^': '\\tT\rh'2
nn:i-T «>2t^^"Ti"i -t^"i^i^-[ j-^ni^p-n j^^mi t^r^S^:!?'!

• Vide Buxtorf, p. 830, Lex. Esib. ; also p. 654.
■ Ibid. 4to., Cbald. Lex., p. 277.
3 Ibid. Lex. Rab., p. 712.

Remarks upon a Terra-Cotta Vase. 117

nriDni ^^-y^w piiiD^i ]iir2:i vn:nT ]in^^>« p^«i

i:«i!j^n mi^^'tzr rh^ ^!^ur«^ Q^^m^^ii p-ir^m

a« ^iii"! ^^^:?-r b^n:)i^ ^dd n^^:: «im t^i^iD

«Q^ir vi:\rr{ t^im:^ '

(thrice) i^ or p'
(thrice) t^^
(t^vdce) Q *

i:ir.iir ^v' np np np np

" As to the serpent oblivion, so to that which serves us
[may there be] direction, and to the unclean that which
drives it away ; and peace and discernment of mercy and
of offerings and of things [that may be] foolish ; and exalta-
tion of things that [may be] great, and of companies [or
assemblies] and of servant (?) and servants (?). May it be
against pains and omens and for deaths of all kinds, stupor
from all kinds of miasmas in the world, all of them. These
even these are their propitiations and remedial offerings,
their termination and their redemption, and then binding
and opening, and their being invalidated from bodies, and
the supporter of all joy, the remover of heats and ailments
from constellations,'' which is the way that leads us to the
stars, and it shineth above all stars of the great world

[macrocosm] \tioo inches of ivriting obliterated^ if

outcries of the world. May His ineffable name be blessed.
Amen, Amen, Selah. Take, Take, Take, Take."

It need excite no sm'prise that a mixture of Hebrew,
Rabbinic Hebrew, and Chaldee should be in familiar use in
the neighbourhood of Babylon, even at a late period, when

1 Buxt. p. 1939. 2 Ibid. p. 1648.

* Inserted in a smaller hand above the running line.
■* Two inches here obliterated. '" ? Magical letters.

'' The word is mlnaster. Is this a corrupt form of aarrjp or Ishtai* or
Mazzaroth ?

118 Remarks upon a Terra- Cotta Vase.

we recollect the number of Jews who were there settled and
that it became, about the year 230 of the Christian ^ra — after
the death of R. Jehuda the Holy — the seat of a school of
learning, and that the Babylon Talmud thence arose. But
we must suppose that a vase of this Jdnd could have been
used bv those only who had fallen into the belief of some
strange admixture of Judaism and Heathenism. The internal
evidence of the dialects used forbid us to assign to this vase
a veiy early date.

Note on Mr. RodweWs Patera Paper.

The G'biah iT^n:! (not 0^'2\ for Joseph's divination (ti^n::)
cup, is supposed by the Hebrew autliorities to have been
(comp. nj^Xl and fZo?)ie-shaped hills) of longish shape, which
by striking indicated the birth-rank of Joseph's brothers
(Gen. xliii, 33) — a curious proof of the Rabinnical antiquity of
sphit-rapping. It is tai-gumized as "^3Jlit«5 or fc^l^T5 for the
pm-pose of pli or '^"'^l?. Jarclii calls it " IDl'^lt^, — query
old French name MDIRNU." Perhaps these words may be
found ill the cuneiform tablets, and they are therefore here
recorded.

S. M. Drach.

Tc focc pa(jclI8 .

-'■^^

TK.llHA COTTA VA&K FROM Hill. All

'^.

119

SYNCHRONOUS HISTORY OF ASSYRIA AND
BABYLONIA.

By Kev. a. H. Sayce, M.A.

Read March 4>ik, 1873.

Introduction.

The following translations are made from a number of
fragments that once formed part of a tablet which recorded
the intercourse, amicable or otherwise, between Assyi-ia and
Babylonia from an early period. A large part of the tablet
is unfortunately lost to us ; but enough remains to afford a
valuable basis for the chronological arrangement of the later
kings of the two countries. The work was not a long one,
as the various notices are given in the digest and shortest
analistic form. Unlike the larger part of the library to which
it belonged, this tablet was originally composed by Assyrian
scribes, as the pui'ely Assyrian point of view from which each
event is regarded would of itself show, and was j)Osterior to
the eighth century B.C. In all probability, it was drawn up
during the reign of Assur-bani-pal, the son of Essar-haddon.
The principal portion of the fragments is to be found in the
second volume of the British Museum Series, Plate 65 ; a
piece which formed the upper portion of the tablet is litho-
graphed in the third volume, Plate 4^ No. 3 ; while a third
fragment of small size, which supplements the history of
Assur-bil-cala, still remains unpublished. The obverse of the
last-mentioned fragment is alone legible.

120 Synchronous History of Assyria and Babylonia.

Tablet of Synchronous Babylonian ant) Assyrian
History.

(W.A.L Vol. II, PI. 65 ; Vol. Ill, PI. 4, 3.)

1. T --Id KTT tgcm tSTT S « ['--^

D.P. Ca - ra - in - da - as 'sar mat
Cara-indas ^ king of the land of

VT!? ^ x^ S]

Caru - dii - ni - as
Car-duniyas"^

2. <Mgij y ^^v ^11 tyrr!^ I « ^-^ - -V

va D.P. As-sm-- bil - nisi -su 'sar D.P. As-sur
and A ssur-bil-nisi -su king of Assyria

rac - 'sa - a - ti
a covenant

1 Cara-indas, Burna-burjas, and Cara-kliardas belonged to the Cassi or
Kossajans, an Elamite tribe vrhich had conquered Babylonia under Khammm*abi.
They seem to represent the Arabian dynasty of Berosus, and made Babylon their
capital. They long continued to form part of the population of Chaldaea, as
in a contract of the 10th year of Merodach-iddin-akhi (iu B.C. 1110), we find
mention made of MiU-Kliarbat and Ulam-khala (W.A.I. IV, 43, 18, 20). A tablet
renders tlie first name " Man of Bel " (nis Bilu), and the second " Oll'spring of
Gula " (lidati Gula). The transactions recorded in this passage would have taken
place about B.C. 1400.

2 Car-duniyas, " the fortress of Dunivas," seems to have been Lower Chaldaea.
It was also called Gun-dun i (*"T-<^*"*-y T T mC^TTTT ^^ Smith's Assiir-
banipal p. 183, I.), "the enclosure of Duui," whieli has been compared with the
BibUcal Gan Aiden, or Garden of Eden, by Sir U. Rawlinson. The word first
occurs under the Kassite dynasty, to which belongs the termination of the royal
name Duniyae.

Synchronous History of Assyria and Babylonia. 121

^■-t^^JSl I "7^ T? -^I Tf f?< H

ina bi - rid su - nu a - iia a - kha - i

between them icith each other

yu - ra - ci - 'su r

established ;

va ma- mi - tu ina eli mi -its- ri

and a pledge^ ivith regard to the boundaries

-y -^T £T !? -^I T? ??< h- ^I <T^T ^

an- na -ma a- na a -kha- i id - di - nu

of a certain character to one another gave.

=• T *^" <:: -7 « <^ -V ivm t

D.P. Bu - znr - as-sur 'sar D.P. As-sui- va D.P.

Buzur-Assur king of Assyria and

ev ^! £V ^£1? S

Bm' - na - bur - ya - as

Burna-huryas

6. « -< vin t^T Cff S ^T -^ £T <- ^T -IT<T

'sar D.P. Caru - du - ni - as idli -mu-va mi -its- ri
king of Car-duniyas made an ordinance, and l>oundaries{T)

7. eETTT -II -^ -I -^T EI i^III- <IeI ^

ta - khu - mu an - na - ma yu - ci - nu

common[V) of a certain character estcd^lished.

' Mamitu stands for mamiltu, and that for mamintv, a reduplicated form of
1^^ like dadmu from Q"7^,

122 Synchronous History of Assyria and Babylonia.

8. - ^ t£TT T --V ^W -<V -t] « \^ ->-V

ina tar - tsi D.P. As-sur - yu - palladh 'sar D.P. As-sur
In the time of Assur-yujjalladh king of Assyria,

D.P. Ca - ra - khar - da - as
, Cara-lhardas

'sar D.P. Caru - du - ni - as abil D.P. Mu - pal -
king of Car-duniyas soji of Mupal-

li - dim - at D.P. Se- ru - u - a
lidhat - Serua^

binat D.P. As-sur- yu - palladh tsabi Cas- si - e
daughter of Assw^-yupalladh men of the Cassi

ip - pal - vA - til - va
revolted against and

«s

idiicn

- Sll

D.P.

slew

him.

Na - zi - bu - ga - as
Nazi-hugas^

• Mupallidhat-Seru^ would signify " She that is quickened by Seruya," (he
wife of Assur, called Mto-a-dp?; by Damascius (De pr. Prmc. ed. Kopp. p, 324).

2 The tablet before alluded to in Note 1, p. 2, (W.A.I. 65, 2) renders Nazi by
rvhu " prince." The Assyrian connexion of Cara-khavdas may haye had much
to do with the revolt of the Cassi against him.

Synchronous Historii of Assyria and Babylonia. 123

12 T jf^m ^W ^I Tt -^T

, . . . . ana 'sar - u - te a- na

a man of loio jMrenfMge^ to the kingdom to (be)

eli su-nii is -su- 'u

over them they raised.

'3 [« *.^ -^-V T -EEI] -TT<T

^ 'sar D.P. As-sur ana tu - ri

king of Assyria to exact

gi - mil - li

satisfaction^

i«- [V T -^H E^TT A^ £?TT S Tf] -^I

sa D.P. Ca - ra - khar - da - as a - na

for Cara - khardas to

D.P. Caru - du - ni - as il - lie

Carduniyas he icent ;

'- [T ^T -TT^ y- m^ ^ « X"

D.P, Na - zi - bu - ga - as 'sar D.P.
Nazi-bugas king of

Caru - du - ni - as i - due

Car-duniyas he slew ;

^ This is filled in by Mr. Smith from an impubUshed fragment. I do not
know what is the original text.

^ See note at the end of the paper.

^ Literally "to bring back a benefit." Gmilhi is here used in the sense of
"requital," hke '^}^^ in 2 Sam. ixii, 21.

12-4 Si/nch)'0)ious TlistorJ/ of Assyria and Babylonia.

D.P. Cu- ri -gal- zu abil D.P. Bur - no.-

Curi- (jalzu^ son of Buima-

bur - ya - as
biiryas

ina ciissi yu -se-sib

on the tlirone he seated.

Column IL

nisi ebdi - su

his servants

T'h-I ^V^^^-xm

e - pu - us

2. ]] i]t] ^^IT <^2:i -ET <MT<T

a - cli D.P. 'Sun - la - al-

as far as the city ' Sunlar

3. y _| ^ jEjjEj ^ « ^,< _v

D.P. D.P. Bil - cudura -yutsiu* 'sar D.P. As-sur

Bel-chadrezzar king of Assyria

i - du - cu D.P. D.P. Bil - cudura - yutsui- D P. D.P.
they slew Bel-cluxdrezzar.

4i[4f -S 5^T tE <L<] ....

Raman - pal - i - din ....
Rimmon-pal-iddina'^ ....

1 Inscriptions of Curi-galzu have been found in Babylonia, in which he calls
himself son of Burna-buryas ; his, consequently, must be the name to be supplied
here.

2 Riramon-pal-iddin has been ingeniously supplied here by Mr. Smith (see
his Notes on Early Babylonian History, in Part 1, Vol. I, of the Transactions of
the Society of Bibhcal Archa;ology) .

Synchronous History of Assyria and Babylonia. 125

ina gabal - ti - du - cu-ma D.P. D.P. Adar-pal D.P.

in the midst of that conflict Adar-pileser^

[A E^yi] • • ■ •

sar - ra . . . .

8- fr -^t ^.^ JT ;^IT ^? A!^ I [HI A^ m

a - ua mati-su itur tsabi-malidi - su ip - kliar - va
to his country returned. His many warriors he collected, and

->■ T? -^T -^TT ^ITT -t!T T? -^1 -^U V <T!^T

- na D.P. Ninua

a- na

ca - sa- di

to Nineveh

captwe \it\

tXi.]] v£Ey" ^tfcl"

il - li - ca

he loent.

ina ci - rib - su im - kliats i's - kliar - va a - na
in the midst of it he fought ; he turned about and to

mati-su i - tur
his country retiirned.

' Adar-pileser was king of Assyria. The sense of the whole passage seems to
be that Belchaclrezzar the Assyrian king was slain in battle with the Babylonian
monarch. His successor Adar-pileser was forced to retreat to Nineveh, which
was captured by Eimmou-pal-iddin ; a fact which the Assyrian historian describes
euphemistically. It was probably upon this occasion that the seal of Tuculti-Adar
the son of Shalmaneser was carried off to Babylon, fi'om which it was brought
back 600 years afterwards by Sennacherib. The name of the Babylonian king
would show that a Semitic dynasty had already been estabhshed in Babylon,
probably by Tuculti-Adar, who speaks of his conquest of Gran-duniyas and the seal
in question (W.A.I. Ill, 4, 2). I follow Oppert and Sclirader in reading Adar, in
despair of a better transcription of the god's name ; though I do not regard the
reading as very satisfactory.

Adar-pileser was the father of Assur-dayan. Tiglath-Pileser I. says of him
(W.A.I. I, 15, 55, 59) that " he cleared away his enemies hke pea- fowl over his
country, and organised the armies of Assyria."

126 Synclironoxis History of Assyiia and Babylonia.

9. - -. tETT T -r ?} =h:T Sff^I -^ ^ «

ilia tar- tsi D.P. D.P. Za- ma - ma -sum-iddina 'sar
In the time of Zamama-sum-iddin king

X< [^]]\ E^ ^ ^-]

D.P. Caru - du - iii - as
of Car-dimiyas

10. y ^>v ^yy? h « \^ -V T? ^T

As-sm*- dayan 'sar D.P. As-sm- a - iia

Assur-dayan^ king of Assyria to

D.P. Caru - du - ni - as il - lie

Car-duniyas iccnt ;

11- MT] ?? <^T -^TT Cm -!!<! ^^If -^IT

D.P. Za - bav D.P. Ir - ri - ya D.P.

the cities of Zabd, Irviya \cincr\

T?^4i[-I<I -]-<}

A- kar - 'sa - al its -bat
Akarsal he captured

sal- la - 'su - nu ma- all - tu a- na

their spoil in ahundance to

- -^[v t^yyvin

D.P. As-sur is - sa - 'a

Assyria he carried.

[Then follows a lacuna.]

1 Assur-dajan's name is written T *">"[ [» *"y ^*~ T f Tr *"*"[ by Tiglatli-
Pileser, who calls him " the lifter up of the precious sceptre, the pursuer of the
people of Bel (the Babylonians), who had conferred the work of his hand and
the gift of his fingers upon the great gods, aud had attained to old age and
length of years."

Synchronous lUstonj of Assyria and Babylonia. 127

e -nii-va a- iia mati-KSU itur ar - ci - su

Therewpon to his land he returned. After him

T ->f V^ IeJIeI ^]

D.P. D.P. Nebu- cudui'a -yutsur
Nebuclmdrezzar

■2-'^ tit Mf 5=^11 V T? T? -^I }} -+ IeII

ne - bi *-se-sii is -sa-a a- na tsa- an - ki

his armaments^ carried ; to

the passes''

bir - ti sa

of the border of

D.P. As-sur

Assyria

di il

a - na
to

ca - sa

conquer

T -V "^IT:^tE<T^ «

lie

V-

err -ttj

li - ca
ivent.

-V

D.P. As-sur - ris - i - lim 'sar D.P. As-sur
Assur-ris-ilim^ hing of Assyria

rucubl - su

id - ca

a - na

eli

his chariots mustered

against

su
him

a- na

a- la

go.

1 Nehise is a Niplial derivation pi. from 'l^^V " to make."

2 Tsanki comes from the root pj^ " to confine," " be narrow," whence the
Heb. p^*^^ "prison."

3 Assur-ris-ilim was the son of Mutaggil-Nebo, the grandson of Assur-dajan,
and the father of Tiglath-Pileser. Sir H. Rawlinson ingeniously identifies him
with the Biblical Cushan-rish-athaim, king of Mesopotamia, whose name, as it
stands, is certainly corrupt. The royal name signifies " Assui", head of the gods,"
and is interesting as affording an example of the old Assyrian plm-al-ending im,
which elsewhere has generally become i.

128 Si/nchronous History of Assyria and Babylonia.

D.P. D.P. Nabu-cudunx -yutsur as - su ne - bi - se
Nebochadrezzar, ichen the armaments

►ET t't -^^ T? -IT A I ^•^\ ^]] 'on ^it

la - a bu ^ a - gi - su iiia-isati is - ru - up
do not advance, his baggage"^ icith fire burned:

^■^]4i^t] n^T '.\JT tE^s

is - Idiar -va a- iia mati- su i - tui'

he turned about and to his country returned.

8. T -\ ^ mm ^ t] f I a <ym

D.P. D.P. Nabu- cudura - yutsui* ma rucub va

Tlie said^ Nebochadrezzar \_wit]i'\ chariots and

--n<I^ T?-^T -E<T^y A^^-A<

zu - ci a- ua i - di bii- - ti

teams* to the defences^ of the border

9. -gyy t^ ►.-v ]} ^y ^t]d W <TtT

sa D.P. As-sur a - na ca - sa - di

of Assyria to conquer

^^Tl ^|gn -tld I ~V ^TTti^ eE <V

il - li - ca D.P. As-sur- ris - i - lim
teen t. A ssur - ris - ilini

' Bu ia contracted from bii'n, the 3rd pers. pi. mas. of the Kal Permansive of
^•^^^ It is a good mstanee of this tense.

" Agjt or egu in tlic singular signifies " a crown," connected witli tlic Heb.
n^V " a round cake," Arab. ^\s. " to bend," though originally an Accadian
loan-word. The plural in this passage can only mean " baggage."

3 I agree with Mr. Norris in considering ma to be an enclitic demonstrative
pronoun, shortened fi-om amma, and standing in the same relation to annu and
ullu that "hie" does to " isto " and "iUe" (see my Assyrian Grammar,
pp. 43, 44).

* ^<cj answers to the Heb. pj^f " to bind," pf " a fetter," p being weakened
to 'T in consequence of the soft sibilant which precedes it.

^ Idi is often used in Assyrian in the sense of " defences," " walls." I do
not think that it has anything to do with '^•i " liand," but that it must be con-
nected with the South Arabic 6d "house" (North Ethiopic ?/</«)•

Sijnchroiious [Iktorij of Assyna and BaJnjIonia. 120

10. ty ^ y^ ^^yy <;^ yr ^j ^ g.yy ^jjy ^y

rucubi zn - ci a - na ni - ra - ru - te

chariots [_and'\ teams for assistance

^}] V- By

iis - pu - nr
sent forth.

"• ^I -A-V\^ '^T JT

it - ti - su i - due a - bi - ic - tav - su

With him he fought; a destruction of him

is - Clin tsabi - su i - due

he made; his soldiers he smote;

12. S^yey-yi tT?'«^-tEiL <^< ^y;^!*. I

us -ma- an -su e - pu - uc irbalia rucubi -su
his camp^ he j^ hindered ; forty of his chariots (2)

^^Igftt^s^IE ^yyy^^^tffl^

khal - lu - up - tuv yu - te - ru - ni

harnessed (1) they had brought back;

1.. y <i£y tyy^{ ^|Ey y? m ^ ^ ^ ^ I

caras - tu lia-lic pa -an tsa1)i -,su

one standard^ that toent before his host

its- ba - tu - ni
they had taken.

' Usmanu is a common worcliatin, I believe, to tlie Heb. QD^ "a storehouse."
^ Carasu signifies " baggage," and lience " camp " ; the fern. sufSx indivi-
dualises the word, as here. Perhaps we may compare (with Dr. Seliradcr) the

Vol. II. '9

loO Syjichronouti History of Asxyria and Babylonia.

u. y f I E -T< ri ^rm \^ « v ^^v t h

D.P. Tuculti -pal- csir 'sar D.P. As-sm- D.P. D.P.
Ti<!lat]i-inleser^ king of Assyria

Maruduc-iddin- aklii 'sar D.P. Cam - du - ni - as
Merodach-iddin-ahhi kinr/ of Car- duniyas

ana-essute garnu dan- tu .sa rucubi ma -la

a second time'- [uvV/i] a s<]uadjvn{2) stronr/(V) ofchariots,as many as

ina eli ali Za - bav

in the city of the Zah(2)

10. jy -^] .Egyr tTf - ►*. ^EIT ^^U

sii - ba - li • e ina tar - tsi ^ D.P.

lower (\) in sight of

Ar - zu -Idii- iia is - cun

Arzukhina he made,

ilia sanii- te sanati an- na ina tiri mar- ri - ti
in the second year at that time on the bank of the sea

sa e - lis D.P. Accadi i - due

which [/.»-•] above A ccad smote ;

' Tigliitli-Pileser has left a detailed account of his cxjiloits in the cylinder
inscription wliicli was translated in 1857 by Kavvlinson, Ilincks, Fox Talbot, and
Oppert. Sennacherib states that he was carried captive to Babylon by Merodach-
iddin-alchi 118 years before his own invasion of Babylonia (that is about 1110 B.C.)

2 Literally " the second time." I signified jiluralitj- in time. Its Accadian
value of essa, which is rendered by the Assyrian sepu " foot," was bon-owed by
the Assyrians under the form of essu, esstUl, " anew." The following character
means " horn," and hence anything like a honi.

' The word is written tir-tsi in Smith's Assurbanipai, p. 8S, hue 80.

Synclironous History of Assyria and Babylonia. 131

D.P. Dm- - cu - ri - gal- zii D.P. 'Si - ip -par
Bur-curigalzu Sippara

sa D.P. Sa-mas
of the Sun,

19.

■w

^y-

^Vi

- pi

Opis,

- e

D.P. 'Si - ip -par sa D.P. A - nu - ni - tuv

Sippara of Anunit,^

Bab - ilu D.P.

Babylon,

ma-klia- zi rabu- ti

strongholds {2) great (1)

^>- n <T^T - -11^ I ^ -M^ .ey [*T]

a- di khal- zi -sii-nii ic - su - iid

to their citadels he captured.

22. !.£ ^y ^y y. I .^yy 1} E^ ^ ^ I<y

i - na yu-me-sii D.P. A- gar - 'sa - al
/m those days the city of Agar sal

23. y?<ycy -^yy iEJ4^<T;:y A-fflfcmi

a- di D.P. Lu- ub - di ikli - lik

as far as Bidxli he devastated ;

' Tlie two Sipparas (whence the dual Sepharvaim of Scripture) seem to have
been on opposite sides of the river, like Buda-Pesth. The name signifies in
Accadian, " Place of the Sun " {Si-par).

132 Si/nchronous IIiMorij of Assyria and Babylonia.

^^. *.^ n£Tr A T? <W -^TT E^TT ^T- lEII

mat 'Su - klii a - di D.P. Ra - pi - ki
the land of the ^ Sulchi^ as far as the city Rapik

T? ^\ <V <sErT -IM [I -T<T^ I ^n

a- na pad gim - ri - su ic -su- ud
to its whole extent he conquered.

25. ^ ^ cETT T -V -II -^H -ET [«

ina tar - tsi D.P. As-siir - l)il - ca - la 'sar

In the time of Assur-hel-cala^ king

D.P. As-sur

of Assyria \_and~\

2«- [I -W CZ ^T V ^V -T<T* -<^ V «

D.P. D.P. Maruduc - sa - pi - ic - ciil - lat 'sar
Merodach - sapic - cullat king

D.P. Caru - du - ui - as
of Car-duniyas

klni - ub - ta ^ 'su - hi - um -ma a- na

friendship [(/?»/] peace toith

28. [I? ??<] T^ t^yy TEj [^

a-kha- i is - cu - nu

one another they made.

1 The 'Sukhi seem to have lived to tlie south of Babylonia, near the junction
of the Tigris and Euphrates.

2 A.ssur-bel-cala was the son of Tiglath-PLIeser. In a mutilated inscription
(W.A. I.T, 6, 6.) he claims the conquest of the land of the West, or Palestine.
A brother of his, who ascended the throne either before or after him, was
Samas-Eimmon, the repairer of the Temi)le of the Goddess of Nineveh
(W.A.I. Ill, 3, 9, 11).

' Kliubla auowers to the ileb. ^^^7 " to love," .Arab. Ahabba.

Srjnchronous History of Assyria and Babylonia. 133

ina tar- tsi D.P. As-sur- bil - ca - la 'sar D.P. As-sur
In the time of Assur-hel-cala Ung of Assyria

''- n -T <::: ^r v ^h -r<^ -<^ \- «

D.P. D.P. Maruduc - sa - pi - ic - cul - lat 'sar

Merodach - sapic - cuUat kiiiq

D.P. Cam- du - ni -as mat-su its - bat-su
of Car-duniyas his death took him

=' -^ m^ ^ T? -£T ET £T -T

sad- u - ni abil la - ma -ma- an

saduni the son of a nobody

32. []} ^) ^^ -4 ]y ^y <.ty] I ^

a- na 'sarru - te a - na eli su-nu

to the kingdom over them

is -su- u
they raised.

53. [y ..V -II -xld -£I] « *^-^ -V

D.P. As-sm--bil- ca - la 'sar D.P. As-sur
Assur-bel-cala king of Assyria

34. [y{ ^y <.- ^yyf i<\ cj] ^ ^Tf -TT<T HI

a - na D.P. Caru - du - ni - as e - ri - ib

to Car-duniyas loent down;

35. [t^ .ry .^yy ^] yr ^y ^< ^^y ^^yy ^y

sal - la - 'su - nu a - na D.P. As-sur il - ka'
their spoil to Assyria he brought.

134 Synchrojious History of Assyria and Babylonia.

Then follows a lacuna. The mutilated reverse of the
tablet begins in the middle of a reign.

1 T H j?= -^^ Vi^m

D.P. D.P. Nabu-sum- isemi

jVcho- suiu-iscun

2 [Afl !£m] ^ ^T <T-<T- I

im - ta -khi - its abicti -su

fought; a destruction of him

is - cun
he made

« [--!!] <Si -^! -B! -^TT -II Sir [^

D.P. Bam - ba - la D.P. Khu- da - du

Bam-hala \_and~\ Khudadu

' -cITI^ ^ ET A->f ^ H<]

ala - ni ma- ah - du- ti

cities (2) many (1)

ic - su - dav - va sal - la - 'su - nu

he cdptured, and their spoil

ET A-] [STT -^IT]

ma- ah - da - tu

in ahundance

6. m ^y x^ ..y] ^^yy ^y [yj]

a - na D.P. As-sm* il - ka - 'a

to Assyna he took.

■> ^t]^v *-^ I m ^T? "-^-m im

ni -ma- ti niat-su lu e - tsir - su

his death constrained him

Si/iichro?un(s Ilistori/ of Asftr/ria and Jhoijlonia. 135

« ^^ JT ^Si-J!V- T? -^T

cin - su binat - su - iiu a - iia

their daur/hters to

a -klia- i id - di - nu

one anotlier thcij gave;

Kliu- ub- ta 'su - la - iini -nia-a ga -ma- ra

friendship \(ind?^ alliance (2) complete (1)

^f-<< THK !^ ^TT [IeJ ^]

it - ti a-klia- i is - cu -nu

icith one another they made ;

10. l^]]} }^ -] .-V *.^ W '^ ^I -^y
nisi D.P. As-sur D.P. Accadi it - ti

the men of Assyria [aiuT] Accad , with

a-klia- i ib - ba - kliu

one another trajfficked.

is - tu tul Bit - ba - ri sa il - la - an

From the mound of Bit-hari which \is'\ above

-^n \] [<KT]

alu Za- bav
the city of the Zah

a- di tul sa D.P. Ba - ta -a-ni va

to the mound of Batani and

V -t]] ^} t?ii :s iei iej m- A[^ m^}

sa D.P. Zab- da -ni cudura j\\ - cin - u
of the city Zahdani^ a houndary-line they made

^ Both. Bit-bari and Zabdani were situated uear tlie Lower Zab, the Caprus
of classical geographers.

136 Sijnchro)ioi(S History of Assyria and Babylonia.

13. [^ -^3 teyr T --I <T^T EI ^ "V «

ilia tar - tsi D.P. D.P. Salliiii-ma-im-esir 'ear
In the time of Shabnaneser^ king

D.P. As-sur
of Assyria

14. [y ..y jfz] ts 5^1 ^? ^y « \-

D.P. D.P. Nabu- pal - icklm - na 'sar D.P.
[_and\ Neho-pal-iddina king of

^yy? =^y ^ \.m

Caru - du - ni - as
Car-duniyas

'=• [-yi] 4^ t^yyy -^yy ieu ^::yyy ey

kliu - ub - ta 'su - lu - mii - ma

friendshij) \and\ alliance (2)

tyyy^ :r^ [E-yy]

ga - ain - ra
comjylcte (1)

,0. [^1 ^y<] yj ?;< }^ ^yy jej ^ ^^ ^ ^tyy

It - ti a-klia-i is - cu -uu iiia tar - tsi

loith one another tliey made. In the time

y -y <y:^y ti-^^^ « [\- ^-vi

D.P. D.P. Sallim-ina-uu-esii" 'sar D.P. As-sm-
of Shalmaneser hing of Assyria,

1 Shalmaneser, the son of Assur-nat sir-pal, ascended the throne B.C. 858. To
him belongs tlie Black Obelisk which records the tribute of Jehu of Samaria.
An inscription of liis at the sources of tlie Tigris gives an account of his defeat
of a confederacy which Bcnhadad of Damascus had formed, and which included
Ahab of Israel.

Synchronous History of Assyria and Baoylonia. 137

B.P. D.P. Nabu - pal - iddin - na 'sar D.P.
Nebo-pal-idduia king of

Cam - du - ni - as mat - su e - tsir - sii
Car-duniyas his death constrained him.

D.P. D.P. Marudnc- sum -iddin ina ciissi abi-su

Merodach- sum -iddin on the throne of his father

^W [M

yu - sib
sat :

'8- [I -T <:3^T -II ^TIT^ ^ T? *4 £iw^ I

D.P. D.P. Maruduc-bil - u - 'sa - a - te aldiu-su
Merodach - bel- usate his brother

itti-su ip - pal - cit
against him revolted ;

20.

• SIKH! IeH ^T - '-^ -©--tKW^E]

... da -bav lu -its -bat D.P. Ac - ca - di - i
... he took; the land of Accad

21. \p^\ c^y j=<yy] ct -^yy ^^yy y ..y

mal - mal - is i - zu - zu D.P. D.P.

strongly he had fortified.

<W t] -^^^ « \^ [--V]

Sallim-ma- nil -esii" 'sar D.P. As-sur
Shahnaneser king of Assyria

138 Synchronous Ilistorij of Axsyrio and IJa/n//onia

22. ]} [^'] ^-j Ecyy ^jn --!< Ill T --T

a - iia iii - ra - ru - ti sa D.P. D.P.

to the assistance of

Maruduc-8iuii - iddiii
Merodach - sum - iddin

23. « \- vTT? ^]^^ ^:t]] [IH] .

'sar D.P. Caru-dii - di -as il - lie

Mng of Car-dinnt/as n-eitt.

D.P. D.P. Marudiic - bil - u - 'sa - a - te sarru

Merodach-hel-usate the king

iiLi - kut
he sleiv.

25. Hi^?] T^ -II A<T^T V ^y--T< I t£^Tk

bil- tsabi bil klii- di sa it - ti -sii i -due
ihe captains, the rebels,^ tcho \_iceve'\ with hi in he smote.

20. [>- :p4] t^^ ]} <^ scp} ^>f E^yy <^

ina Tig- -gab -a- ci Bab - ilu

l7i Cuthah, Babylon,

Bar - sip - ci niki eb - iis

\_aiul\ Boi'sippa sacrifices he inade^

Then follows auotlier lacuna ; the text begins again as
follows : —

^ Literally " Lord (s) of Sin." The word is regarded as a compouud, and bil
consequently is in tlie singular.

'^ This i.s restored from the account which the king gives of his Babylonian
expedition upon the Black ObeUsk.

Synchronous History of Assyria and Bahylonia. 139

-VYY

T^ !- © ^^! ]] ^! * -n<y I

iii.si sal - lu - te a - na

men [a/u/] spoil to

yu - til-

he hronght hack ;

as - ri - su
his jylaces

;yy

-TTA -^T Tf V <V H

is - ku ^
a bond (2)

gi - na
permanent (1)

a - se - bat
o/ habitations

s^ITT^ AS I ^

yu - cin - su - nu
he fixed for them.

nisi D.P. As-sur D.P. Caru - du - ni - as

The men of Assyria [cimf] of Car-duniyas

^]-<!< ]}}}<}^ [Hf-^T-II]

it - ti a-klia- i ib - ba -khu

ivith one another tra^cked.

4. <ct ty ^jn ^yyy ^yi -^ y« ^ ^ yyy^ ^[^

mi -its- I'll ta -khu-mu \sibba'a yu - cin

A boundary in common of seventy \_caspii\^ he established,

um -ma
as follows :

1 I connect isJcu with iskati "fetters" (Smith's Assurbanipal, 44, 45). The
root is p'^^, /i-MS- " to constrain." Asebat is from the common ^"l^^,

2 The caspii was equal to about seven miles. It was caUed aslu in Assyrian.
The omission of the word in this passage is very anomalous ; and it is possible
that mitsru in the singular may mean a " boundary-stone." In this case a
^TTT^ or rnnmat {" cubits ") may have dropped out of the text in consequence
of the same character following immediately ; and the inscription which is
transcribed in the succeeding lines would then have been written upon the stone
or crrfiXr) in question.

140 Synchronous History of Assyria and Babylonia.

Rubu arc - u sa ina D.P. Ac - ca - di
" May the prince hereafter ivho in Accad

sa - li - ti
the plunder

yu - sa - ca - nu - su - va
shall appoint it and

<m -jn M<

ci - sit - ti

of conquest [^^ shall carry o^']

->■ tm mu ifcj £i If ^i ^} -^i =j= If

lil - dim -

11 r - va

a - na

abn

na - ra

write,

a7id

this

inscribed

M [-^! •

....

an - na

....

stone [? which contains']

a - na la - nia - se

to the sacred images^

ca - ai -ma-nu-va
the ordinance and

e - lat - su sa
above it which

■m ET Tf -^ ^T? {?< --TT ^ T- ET -eI V • •

mil -ma-a-nii e -kha- zu lis-me-va la sa ..
the army has inscribed may he listen, and

* Lamase is Accadian, and is variously -written lamma, lamasa, and lamassu.
It is difficult to say whether it denotes the figures of the bulls or of the hons that
guarded the Assyrian palaces. In the Syllabary 1. 17-i, it is translated by sedu,
the neb. Itt^ "a spirit," (as in Deut. xxxii, 17).

Si/nchronous Ilistori/ of Asf^ijria and Bahylonia. 141

,0. ^yyy ^y ^y< - ..^ <:z M M T? -^I

ta - na - ti D.P. As-sur lidli - lu - ki a - na
the laivs of Assyria may they protect to

^T r- [<r--TT<T <©]

yu-me ar - ci

future days.

"■ V <" .IT T- -TT<T *^* -0 -^H <T^T ^£

sa D.P. Su-me- ri D.P. Ac - ca - di - i
May he who Sumir [and^ Accad

tsi - rar
{shall rule)

>^- -Egyy j^ *^ &yT T -^H^ ^f&TT--y<

li -pa-se- ra ana ca -lis cip - ra - ti
interpret \tluni\ fully \to'\ the people^^

Here tlie tablet finall}^ l^reaks off. The ends of the lines
which begin the whole history have also been discovered.
They are as follows : —

1 *"^I *"*^^' na-Assur (?part of a royal name).

2 BtH ^T' H"^^'*"'Sw "he made him."

3 T ^^Y Y>-, su ad-me "him the men."

4, *^ll' ^'^^'^•

!'> "^y y>- Iy iy '^y<, {_ana'] yiir-me atsati, "to fatm-e

days."

G ^11 ^►^yi' ''"''' ~^"^"''^ " "^^1^0 tlie memory."

' Cipraii rather means " tribes " tlian " people," and is therefore particularly
applicable to Babylonia with its heterogeneous population, and its two main
divisions into the Suniiri and the Accadi.

142 S^nclnviious JTistoiy of Asfojria and lJ(((>i//onia.

7 [>£]yfy ^-] ^y< -^yy >^yyy, ta-na-a lua

"laws [and] ordinance."

« ^T -B ^y- Igj <s^yy -yy<y, *•« ^-p'^-i^^ d^^^^ri

"and they conquered the whole."

9 [5^^ ^yT<T ^EEII ^ -^y<. '^'^-ri n.dh-ru-ti

"former kings."

10 ^y ^] ^^^y, it.^-tmh-tH "they were taken."

11 ^yy C^^y? icb-ad "A<? oppo^essedr

Fragmentary as they are, the historical notices just given
enable us to fix the relative age of the Assyrian and Baby-
lonian kings from Assur-bil-nisi-su downwards. A brick
legend tells us that Pudil was the grandson of Assur-
yuballadh, and we find from inscriptions of Kileh Shergat
that Pudil was the grandfather of Shalmaneser the father of
Tiglath-Adar. The latter conquered Babylonia, and probably
established a Semitic (Assyrian) dynasty there, in the room
of the Cassite. Now a seal which belonged to Tiglath-Adar
was carried off in war to Babylon 600 years before the cap-
ture of this city by Sennacherib. Conseqiiently, if we can
depend upon the statement of Sennacherib^ Tiglath-Adar
will have lived more than 1300 B.C. It is plain, therefore, that
the date (B.C. 1273) usually assigned to the commencement
of the Assyrian dynasty of Berosus, as reported by Eusebius
(Chi'on. Gra^co-Armeno-Latin, Ven. 1818), is too late, and we
must either suppose that between the more than suspicious
Phulus, with whom the forty -five Assyrian kings are said to
end, and the era of Nabonassar, several years elapsed, or else
that the eighth dynasty of eight Assyrian kings have nothing
to do with Babylonia (as indeed is shown to be the case by
Ptolemy's Canon and the Monuments), or. lastly, that the
numbers wliich we get at second and tliird hand from Berosus
cannot be trusted. It is true that the use of the cuneiform
characters was continued long after the age of the Chaldean
Jiistorian, as M. Opport has diRcnvorpd a runoiform inscrip-

SyiLclironous History of Assyria and Babyloriia. 143

tion which contains the name of a Parthian king ;^ but it may
be questioned whether he had any means of knowing the
precise dates of the early sovereigns and dynasties of his
country. It will be noticed that no mark of time whatsoever,
beyond that of mere succession, occurs in the tablet which
has been translated above, and that the date assigned by
Sennacherib to the plunder of Tiglath-Adar's seal is a round
number. If, again, we are to identify Khammurabi and his
Cassite successors ^th the Arab dynasty of Berosus, the nine
monarchs, of wliich the latter makes it consist, must be largely
increased, smce nine royal names occur in a fragment wluch
recounts the dynasty of Khammm'abi, and to these have to
be added Cara-mdas and the sovereigns that followed liim.
On the other hand, Herodotus (i, 95) confirms the length
which Berosus assigns to his Assyrian dynasty {d2Q years), by
saying that the Assyrians ruled over Upper Asia for 520
years ; while, as a set-off agamst the round number 600, we
have the precise dates of 701 years, wliich according to
Tiglath-Pileser I. elapsed between the foimdation of the
temple of Anu and Rimmon at Assur or Kileh Shergat by
Samas-Rimmon and his OTvn restoration of it, and of 418
years which the Bavian Inscription states ^vas the interval
between the defeat of Tiglath-Pileser by the Babylonians and
Sennacherib's invasion of the latter country in B.C. 692.
Cudur-Nankhundi the Elamite, again, is said by Assur-bani-pal
to have "oppressed Accad" 1635 years before his own con-
quest of Elam, while we possess a yearly clu'onological record,
kept by the names of the annual archons, from the reign of
Rimmon-nu-ari at the beginnuig of the ninth century down-
wards; and there seems no reason for doubting the state-
ment of Simplicius (Comment, in Arist. de Cselo ii, p. 123)
that Kalhsthenes, the friend of Alexander, sent to Aristotle
(B.C. 329) the astronomical observations wliich had been
made at Babylon for 1903 years previously. The date is
corroborated by Phny (H. N. x-ii, 57), who tells us that obser-
vations of the stars had been recorded at Babylon on baked

' See Melanges cV Archeologie Egi/plienne ef Assyrienne, !<■'■ fascicule, pp. 23-29.
The discoTery is confirmed bj the tablets found by Mr. Smith, dated in the reign
of Arsahes, whicli mention two eras, Greek and Parthian.

144 Synchronous History of Assyria and Bahyhmia.

briclvB for 490 years, according to Berosus and Kritodemus,
before the mythical era of Phoroneus, or 720 years according
to Epigenes, At the same time, the astronomical tablets which
have come down to us contain no chronological references,
and the inscriptions of the early Chaldean kings do not men-
tion the regnal years of the occuiTcnces wliich they record.
The campaigns of Sargon I, for instance, are wholly midated
except astrologically, and such dates as are found in monu-
ments which belong to the reigns of Riin-[Sin?] and Kham-
murabi are events like "the captm*e of Carrak," or "the
excavation of the Tigriis." Had the treaties preserved in the
tablet above translated been originally dated, the dates, we
should expect, would have been copied, as in the case of " the
second year" in the notice of Tiglath-POeser's campai^^
and the omission is the more strange, since not only had the
Assyrians, at the period when this historical synopsis "v^'^as
.written, become conscious of the value of precise marks of
tune, but private contracts from an early epoch had carefully
noted the regnal year of the Idng in whose reign they were
drawn up. No doubt the want of accurate dating was first
felt in legal transactions. All this makes me doubt "whether
we can place full confidence in any of the numerical figures
■wdiich are given to us, when these relate to a distant past,
much less in the numbers excerpted from Berosus Avhich we
are unable to verify at first hand. If an exact chronological
record were preserved anywhere, it would he in the temples
where the lapse of time might be marked by the succession
of priests. It is noticeable that the valuable inscription of
Rimmon-nirari, the great grandson of Assur-yupalladli, lately
(hscovered by ]\ir. Smitli, is dated in the eponymy of Shal-
manunis ; showing that ah'eady at this early period the dates
of Assyi'ian history could be accurately determined.

A(hlitional Note. — The" recent discoveries of Mr. Smith,
described hi his letter to the Daily Telegraph, May 14th, 1873,
prove that tlie king who overthrew Nazi-bugas and restored
C'uri-gal/ii to liis father's tlmuie. was Bel-Jiirari the son of

Synchronous History of Assyria and Bahylonia. 145

Assm-yupalladli. The stone tablet from Kileh Sliergliat, re-
ferred to above, states that Bel-nii-ari " destroyed the army
of the Cassi, and the spoil ol his enemies his hand captured."
The consequence of the intermarriages between the royal
famihes of Assyria and Babylonia was that the grandson of
Curi-galzu, Merodach Baladan, the son of MiH-sikhu, bears a
Semitic name. Rimmon-pal-iddin, supposmg the restoration
is correct, would have been the successor of Merodach-
Baladan.

Vol. II. 10

146

NOTE ON THE NEW MOABITE STONE.

There being in the first Volume of the Transactions
(page 328) a short paper by Mr. B. G. Jenkins " On the
so-called Neio Moahite Sto7ie,'" — a subject which excited some
attention at the time, — it has been thought desirable to
preserve in these pages a translation of it, which was fur-
nished by our late learned Hon. Member Prof. Levy of

Breslau.

ARAMAIC.

^:h}2 mar t:>n: t^-r

Ttxinslation.

" This is the monument of 'Abd-malchu son of 'Obaisu,
" the Strategos, which his brother 'Amru the Strategos
" made for him."

This translation differs in some particulars from the
earlier version of Prof. Levy, printed in the Zeitschrift der
Deutschen ]\Iorgenl. Gesellschaft, vol. xxv, p. 429. Prof.
Renan of Paris has given a better reproduction of the
inscription in the Journal Asiatique for the current year,
p. 313. His reading is —

Aramaic.

«:iniDfc^ Tirr-'nir ii

Translation.
" This is the monument of 'Abd-malchu, the son of
" 'Obaisu, the Strategos, which his brother Ya'maru the
" Strategos got erected for him."

147

ON THE

DATE OF THE FALL OF NINEVEH,

AND THE

BEGINNING OF THE REIGN OF NEBUCHADNEZZAR
AT BABYLON, b.c. 581.

By J. W. BosANQUET, F.R.A.S., Treasurer.

Page 150, for B.C. 538 read B.o. 738.

Astyages and married iiis daughter Amytis (Vol. i, p. 183),
in which I have taken for granted that the forty-three years'
reign of Nebuchadnezzar at Babylon began with the month
Nisan B.C. 581, and ended on some day in the year 538, and
have also made use of this reign as a well founded period in
j&'aming my scheme of Scripture cln-onology — it has been
suggested to me that I should state clearly upon what
authority I venture to make this assumption, in opposition
to the generally accepted authority of Ptolemy's Canon,
which places the first year of Nebuchadnezzar in B.C. 604.
I will endeavour therefore to respond to this suggestion.

The question is one of no small interest and importance.
For if it is true that Nebuchadnezzar began to reign in the
year B.C. 581, Evilmerodach his successor must according to
Berosus have begun to reign in 537, Nereglissar or Nergal-
sharezar in 534, and Nabonidus or Nabonahid in 529. So
that the seventeenth year of Nabonidns, in which year Cyrus
marched against Babylon and besieged it, must have been
the year B.C. 513 ; and the Cyrus who then deposed him must

148 Date 0/ the Fall of Nineveh.

have been Cyi'us son of Carabyses, as Xenophon relates; not
Cyrus father of Cambyses, as misunderstood by Herodotus.
The proclamation of Cyrus also, at the beginning of the
Book of Ezra, that the Temple of Jerusalem should be
rebuilt, must have been issued by the son of Cambyses, in
the year B.C. 513, not in 538, or 536 as commonly supposed.
All which is powerfully supported by the following inscrip-
tion,^ proving the existence of a second Cyrus : " Cyrus [the
king] who has taken care of the temples of Bit Saggath
and Bit Zida, the son of Cambyses the powerful [king] I
am he."

It is stated by Bcrosus the Chaldean liistorian, who wrote
soon after the death of Alexander, that Nebuchadnezzar
came to the throne of Babylon almost immediately after
the fall of Nineveh. For Abydenus, copymg from Berosus,
wi'ites thus : — " After him (Sardanapalus) Saracus reigned
over the Assyrians, and when he was informed that a great
multitude of barbarians had come up from the sea to attack
him " (that is the army of Pharaoh-Necho, which had pro-
bably landed in the bay of Acre-), "he sent Busalossor^
his general to Babylon. He however, with the intention of
revolt, having married his son Nabuchodrossor to Amuliea
daughter of Astyages (Astibares ?), the prince of the Medes,
immediately marched against the city of Nuius, that is
Nineveh. When Saracus was informed of all this he burned
the royal palace of Evoritus,^ and Nabuchodrossor came to
the tin-one of the empire and surrounded Babylon with a
strong wall."^

' Inscription on a brick found at Senkereb, in Lower Cbaldea, by Mr. Loftus
in 1850, and read by Sir H. Eawlinson.

2 Eerosus in another passage, quoted by Josepbus (Con. Apion, i, 19), speaks
of the governor of Egypt (Necbo) baring at this time revolted from Babylo)i.

3 Na-busalossor, or Nabopalassar, fatbcr of Nebucliadnczzar.

■* Probably " Bitriduti tbe private palace of Nineveh ;" see Smith's Assur-
banipal, pp. 308, 325.

* Post queni (Sardanapalluni) Saracus in Assyrios rcgnavit : et quum com-
pertum habuisset multitudinem bai'barorum maximam e mari exisse ut impetum
faceret, Busalossorum ducem confestim Babylonem misit. Ille aujem consilio
rebellionis inito, Amuhcam Astyagis Medi familiae principis fdiam Nabucbod-

To FACE Page

[CK OF CYRUS,

SMITH.

''^

■-T(^) ^(?) ^-rr

ba(?)- m(?)- iv
builder

< ^rrrr -rrv E?rr

Ifv'^v

• u

Bit - sid

- da

■ and

Bit-sidda

-rr^

^u - zi
Kambyses

.-r"

- iia -

- ku

am /.

BRICK OK CYRUS,

INSCRIPTION ON BRICK OF "CYRUS,

>■ T Ef mmm§m -^k^j ^o) ^^yy

Ku - ra (?; . . ba(?) - iii(?) - iv

Cilnis builder

■'■ ^m) -w ^m^im] < ^^tttt -ttv eit

Bit - sag - gal w Bit - sitl - da

of Bit-say<jal unci Btt-sidda

jibil Kam - bu - zi - ya

. . . , dan - nil a - Uii - ku

(/„■ iiowerjul [fan;,] am I.

Date of the Fall of Nineveh. 149

While Abj'demis has thus related the proceedings of the
king of Babylon at the time of the destruction of Nineveh,
Herodotus has related the proceedings of the king of Media,
his ally, thus : — " Phraortes being dead, he was succeeded by
his son Cyaxares (called Astibares by Ctesias) grandson of
Deioces. This is the king who was carrying on war with
the Lydians when day became night, in the midst of one of
their battles. Having collected all his forces he marched
agamst Nineveh, intent upon revenging his father's death,
and also upon destroying the city. He conquered the
Assyrians in battle, but while besieging Nineveh a large
army of Scythians, under the command of Madyes son of
Protothyes came upon him. The Medes having been con-
quered in battle by the Scythians lost the empire of Asia "
(Herod, i, 103, 104;. And now Herodotus mentions a leading
fact, which modern historians attempt in vain to reconcile
with the common chronology, but which he repeats not less
than three times, that " the Scjthians held the empire of
Asia for twenty-eight years, and then lost all by licentiousness
and neglect. Cyaxares and the Medes having invited them
(that is then- leaders) to a banquet, slew th« greater part of
them while in a state of intoxication. Thus the Medes
recovered the empire, and all that they before were masters
of, and then took the city of Nineveh " (Herod, i, 106).

The facts here related by Abydenus and Herodotus,
concerning Nebuchadnezzar son of Nabopalassar, and the
capture of Nineveh by Cyaxares son of Phraortes, appear to
have been known also to the writer of the Book of Tobit,
who relates that before Tobit died, " he heard of the destruc-
tion of Nineveh, which was taken by Nabuchodonosor and
Assuerus," that is, by Nebuchadnezzar and Cyaxares.

Thus, the accession of Nebuchadnezzar to the throne of
Babylon forms an important epoch in Assyrian, Babylonian,
and Median chronology. The empue of Nineveh was then
finally destroyed, and Babylon and Media, having divided

rossoro suo filio uxorem clespondit. Ac deiude protinus discedens accelerat aggredi
Niuum, id est Ninive. Ciun autem de his omnibus certior est factus Saraciis
rex, concremavit regiam aulam Evoriti. Nabuchodrossorus vei'o accipiens regni
imperium valido muro Babylonem cinxit. — Euseb. Arnien. Aueh., p. 27.

150 Date of the Fall of Nineveh.

the spoil, became for a time two independent and con-
federate kingdoms. The reign of Nebuchadnezzar is also
interwoven with Hebrew and Egyptian chronology ; for the
prophet Jeremiah, who was alive when Nineveh was
destroyed, speaks of the " fourth year of Jehoiakim the son
of Josiah, long of Judah, which was the first year of
Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon" (Jerem. xxv, 1) ; that
is his first year when placed in command of his father's
armies. Jeremiah also speaks of the " army of Pharaoh
Necho king of Egypt, which was by the river Euphrates,
in Carchemish, which Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon
smote in the fourth year of Jehoiakim the son of Josiah
king of Judah " (xlvi, 2).

The position of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar has there-
fore to be adjusted in conformity with the chronology of
these five separate nations, each of which had its own
independent system of reckoning : and any system of
reckoning which does not harmonise with the authentic
chronology of these five nations must be incorrect. Let
us begin with an examination of the Hebrew reckoning.

I. — The Hebrew Date of Nebuchadnezzar s Reign.

There is one cardinal date in Hebrew chronology which,
by means of astronomical and historical records found at
Nineveh, has been fixed beyond dispute ; that is, the forty-
eighth year of the reign of Azariah, or Uzziah king of
Judah, which, according to these records, as I shall show,
must have fallen in the year B.C. 538. Now, if we set down
the reigns of the kings of Judah, as counted in the Book of
Kings, downwards from the forty-eighth year of Uzziah, so
fixed, to the fourth of Jehoiakim, which latter year we have
seen Avas concm-rent with the year in which Nebuchadnezzar
took command of his father's army, wc lind that the following-
year, or year of his accession after his father's death, was
B.C. 581, thus: — Uzziah reigned in all fifty-two wliole years,
and died in his fifty-third year, according to the above

Jotham

reigned 16

Ahaz

Hezekiah

„ 29

Manasseh

„ 55

Amon

Josiah

Jelioiakim

Date of the Fall of N'inevek. 151

reckoning, in B.C. 734, his son Jotham having been already
associated with him on the throne, and holding the reigns of
government.

718
702
673
618
616
585

So that the "fourth year of Jehoiakim son of Josiah king
of Judah, which was the first year of Nebuchadnezzar
king of Babylon," B.C. 582, was the year in which Nebu-
chadnezzar smote the army of Pharaoh-Necho by the river
Euphrates in Carchemish, and the following year, B.C. 581,
in which Nabopalassar his father died while he was in
Egypt, was the year of his accession, the government
being carried on in his name at Babylon till his return,
as related by Berosus.^

This series of dates in connection with the reigns of the
kings of Judah is thus accurately determined by means of a
solar eclipse registered at Nineveh on the 15th June, B.C. 763,
in the year when Pur-el-sallie, ^ or Biu'-sagale^ was arclion

' "Nunciatum est patri ejus Nabnpalsaro, Satrapem preefectorum priruum
^gypto et partibus Syi-ise et Phoenicise regionibus praepositum, conversis plira-
retris rebellasse. Et quoniam ipse non aptus erat ad (liostem) puniendum,
congregavit tradiditque pai'tem aliquam exercitns in mantis filii sui Nabnehod-
rossori, qui tunc jam setate valens erat, et adversus eum misit. Profectus est
Nabueliodi'ossorus, et acie instructa cum proditore congressus est, vicitque : et
regionem denuo ut antea jam inde erat in regni svii ditionem redegit. At sub
id tempus evenit ut Nabupalsarus ejus pater morbum contraberet. in Babylonis

irrbe, et vitam finiret postquam regnasset annis XXIX {eiKoaiv evvea) "

" Quum vero audivisset Nabucodrossorus post multum temporis patris obitum,
rebus in terra Mgj^tiovnvn aliarumque regionum ordinatis et corapositis, atque
Judseis et Pboenicibus ac Syi'is, et gentibus in ^gypto captiyis, quibusdam
amicorum commendatis, ut eos cum gravis armaturse copiis, nee non prsedam et
supellectilem apparatumque Babjlonem deportarent : ipse iter faciens, pervenit
(Babylonem) reperitque cuncta a Cbaldseis 'administrata, regnumque sibi a
quodam eorum nobili adservatum." — Euseb. Armen. Audi., pp. 32, 33.
"' Oppert. ^ Smith.

152

Date of the Fall of Nineveh.

eponymous in Assyria, just eighteen years before the acces-
sion of Tighith-pileser in B.C. 745, thus —

Rawlinsons A ssi/inan Canon of Archons Eponymous
at Nineveh.

r63 Bursagale,

762
761
760
759
758
757
756
755
754

Tabu-bil,

Nalm-mukin-ak,

Lagibii,

Inu-assur-emiir,

Bel-taggil,

Ninip-iddiu

Bel-kasidua,

Gisu,

Niuip-sezib-ani,

Pi-efect of Gozan. Eclipse of the Sun in
Sivan. Earthquake' iu the city of Libzu.
Prefect of Amidi. Earthquake at Libzu.
Prefect of Ninua. Earthquake at Arbaka.
Prefect of Qjizi. Earthquake at Arbaka.
Prefect of Arba-ih Earthquake at Gozan.
Prefect of Isaua. Land at rest.
Prefect of Kurban,
Prefect of Parnunna.
Prefect of Mikinis.
Prefect of Rimusu. Return from Ellasar.

753 Assur-nirai'i,

752 Samsi-el

751 Maruduk-salim-anni,

750 Bel-day an,

749 Samas-ittalik-sun,

748 Vul-bel-ukin,

747 Sin-sallim-anui,

746 Nergal-nazir,

The King.

The Tartan.

Prefect of the Palace.

Chief of the Eunuchs.

The Tukulu.

The Prefect.

Prefect of Razappa.

Prefect of Nazibina. Earthquake at Calah.

745 Nabu-bel-uzur,

744 Bel-dayan,

Prefect of Arbaka.

Tukulti-pal-zara (Tiglath-pileser) ascended

the throne 13th day of the 2nd month.

Campaign iu Babylonia in 7th month.
Prefect of Calah.

743 Tukulti-pal-zara,

742 Nabu-danin-anui,

741 Bel-karran-bel-uzur.

740 Nabu-etir-anni,

739 Sin-taggil,

738 Vul-bel-ukin,

The King.
The Tartan.
Prefect of the Palace.
Chief of the Eunuchs.
The Tukulu.
The Prefect. Tribute
(king) of Samaria.

taken of Menahem

Thus from the Assyrian Canon, confirmed by this
registered eclipse, we learn that Tiglath-pileser came to tlie

' This interpretation was first suggested by fciir II. Kawliiison.

To face pa^e, I5Z.

Harrison k Sons. L:th l'' Marlins Lans WC

SOLAR ECLIPSE, B.C. 763. June 14^15

In the iiiont}i Sivan at Nineveh. Tolal at Sa

Iwill ca.ase the sun +jo ^o down at
and will dBrken-tiic earth m the cle;

AMOS vma

Date of the Fall of Nineveh. 153

throne in the course of the year B.C. 745, and from the
Annals of Tiglath-pileser, pubUshed by Mr. George Smith,
that he received tribute of Menahem in 738,^

We also know from the Second Book of Kings (xv, 19),
that Menahem, "gave Pul," the predecessor of Tiglath-pileser,
" a thousand talents of silver that his hand might be with
him to confirm the kingdom in his hand": and that " in tke
thirty-ninth year of Azariah, or Uzziah, king of Judah " (that
is in the course of that year) " began Menahem to reign over
Israel, ten years in Samaria."

If then we place the last regnal year of Pul in B.C. 746,
and asisume that he had placed j\Ienahem on the throne in
747, which was in the thirty-ninth of Uzziah, the year B.C.
738, or eighth year of Tiglath-pileser, will have been con-
current with the forty-eighth of Uzziah, and ninth year of
Menahem, as I have said.

As regards the eclipse of 15th June, B.C. 763, Mr. Hind
writes: — "In the actual state of our knowledge it is the
tey^minus a quo for researches on the historical eclipses : and
I believe I am correct in saying that its value, in an astro-
nomical point of view, is greater than that attaching to the
famous eclipse predicted by Thales to the lonians, as men-
tioned by Herodotus."-

This invaluable record was first discovered by Sh
Henry Rawlinson, and announced to the public in the
Athenasum of the 18th May, 1867. From henceforth the
eclipse of June, B.C. 763, must be accepted as the foundation
date upon which the whole scheme of dates connected with
the Jewish monarchy is to be framed : in substitution for
that erroneous date of the proclamation of Cyrus, B.C. 538,
from which they have been calculated upwards, even to
this day.^

' Zeitschrift fiir Agyptische Sprache, January, 1869.
^ Astronomical Register, No. 117, Sept. 1872.

^ See Commentary on Ezra, Speaker's Bible, 1873. In the Journal of the
Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. xv, Part 2, 1855, the writer pointed out how the fact
of the taking of tribute from Menahem by Tiglath-pileser in B.C. 738, then
ascertained, confirmed the reckoning of the Jewish historian Demetrius, so alteruig
all the commonly receiyed dates.

15 i Date of the Fall of Nineveh.

By means of this eclipse also, we learn with precision the
tune of two important epochs in the reign of Uzziah.

1st. The date of tlie last regnal year of Pul
the Chaldean, ''king of Assyi'ia," that is
the year immediately preceding his
death B.C. 746

2nd. The date of the first vision of Isaiah,
which fell "in the year that king U^iziah
died " (Isaiah vi, 1) 734

It was probably some few years before this date that the
prophet uttered that sublime outburst of prophetic poetry
concerning the glorious exaltation of the Holy Land, " in the
last days": when bloodshed and violence shall cease for
ever within the precincts of the holy mountain : Avhen out of
Zion shall go forth the law, and the word of the Lord from
J erusalem : a prediction, by the way, which by no stretch of
imagination can apply to Eome and its seven hills. (Isaiah
ii, 2, 3, 4; xi, 9).

Again, it is interesting to know that this solar eclipse of
June, 763,^ must be identified with that sudden noonday
darkness which was foretold by the prophet Amos as about
to take place, accompanied by tremblings of the earth, in
connexion with the downfall of the kingdom of Samaria, and
the death of Jeroboam II (Amos vii, 11; viii, 8, 9). For
Amos wrote " in the days of Uzziah king of Judah, and in
the days of Jeroboam son of Joash king of Israel, two years
before the earthquake": that is to say, two years before the
extraordinary series of earthquakes in and about Assyria,
recorded at Nineveh as beginning in the year of the eclipse
of June, 763, and three years after which Jeroboam died, in the
twenty-sixth year of Uzziah, B.C. 7(30. At this time we read
that the terror of tin; inhabitants of Jerusalem was such,

' There is nothing in the record of this eclipse in the Assyrian Canon to show
that it was total at Nineveh. The Assyrian king then reigning probably dwelt
at Calah, or Nimrftd. The words of Amos, howerer, " I will darken the earlHi in
the clear day," necessarily imply totality, The path of total shadow, therefore,
probably passed over Samaria and Galilee, just touching Nimrftd on the northern
limit.

Date of the Fall of Nineveh. 155

that they flecl in haste from the city, and betook themselves
for safety to the valley (Zech. xiv, 4, 5).

It will be observed that an unusual series of earthquakes
in and about Assyria is registered in the copy of the
Assyrian Canon which records the eclipse, in —

B.C. 763. Earthquake at Libzu,

762. Earthquake at Libzu,

761. Earthquake at Arbaka,

760. Earthquake at Arbaka,

759. Earthquake at Gozan,

followed by the remark m B.C. 758, " Land at rest," corre-
sponding Well with the words of Amos (ix, 5), " shall not the
earth tremble for this " — " It shall be tossed up as a flood,
and subside like ihe flood in Egypt."

The word in the Assyrian inscription is Sik-hu, or Zik-hu,
and is translated by M. Oppert, " revolt," in its secondary
sense. Its primary meaning was " agitation," possibly from
nVD, " tempestuous," or, as I think, from yi% " to shake,"
Chaldee " to tremble," from which, by transposition of letters,
nii^T, "shaking," "agitation." (Gesenius). Compare also
aeiw, to shake, (T€t(7/jio<;, earthqiiake. Diodorus tells us that
the Assyrians registered eclipses, earthquakes, and epidemics,
and this is the only part of the Canon in which the Zik-hu
have been found. If the word was intended to represent
" revolts," the Canon ought to be filled with them.

And here I would beg leave to point out how the recovery
of this long hidden record of the earthquakes of this period
bears upon the future history of this world ; reminding those
who are willing to be reminded, that we are plainly told to
look for the recurrence of this self-same awful signal in
the East, at the self-same sacred spot, and on a still more
awful scale : and also marked by a similar literal flight of
the dismayed inhabitants of Jerusalem to the valley, "as
they fled in the days of Uzziah": when the feet of that
august and benignant being in human form, who left the
world proclaiming the reign of violence and bloodshed
upon earth, shall stand again upon the Mount of Olives

156 JJate of the Fall of Nineveh.

inaiiguratiug- peace : when " living Avaters shall go out
fi'DUi Jerusalem." (Zech. xiv, 2 — 8.)

In opposition to the foregoing scheme of reckoning,
another system of Jewish dates has been put forth under the
authority of Dr. Oppert, Mons. Lenormant, and otlier French
writers, which runs thus : —

Death of Jeroboam II . . . . B.C. 78r>

Death of Uzziah . . . . 758

Death of Jotham . . . . 742

The unsoundness of this reckoning^ is easily perceived,
wdien we consider that there is every reason to believe that
the prophet Isaiah lived till after the accession of Esarhaddon
to the throne of Nineveh, in B.C. 680, which is a fixed date
(Isaiah xxxvii, 38). If, therefore, he had uttered prophecies
before the death of Uzziah, earlier than 758 as here supposed,
say at the age of about twenty years, he Avould aj)pear
to have lived for upwards of one hundred years, for which
there is no authority. On the other hand if he began to
prophecy before the death of Uzziah in B.C. 734, he may
have died at the more probable age of between seventy
and eighty.

Again there is another scheme which is supported by
Niebuhr and Lepsius, the object of which is, by shortening
the fifty- five years' reign of Manasseh king of Judah to
thirty-five, to retain Ptolemy's date for the accession of
Nebuchadnezzar, B.C. 604, while rectifying some of the earlier
dates. This scheme, however, may be disposed of with equal
facility, if we accept the statement of Herodotus, that Queen
Nitocris the mother of Nebuchadnezzar, or Labynetus II, held
the reins of government at Babylon just five generations
later than Semiramis,^ that is to say about one hundred and
sixty-six years, according to his computation of three gene-
rations to a century. For we learn from an inscription in

' See Lenormant's " Mamuil ut' tlie Ancient History of the East," 1869,
vol. i, p. 150 ; and Opijert's Chronologic Bibhque. Revue Ai'ch^ologique,
Dec. 1868.

2 Herod, i, 185.

Date of the Fall of Nineveh. 157

the British Museum, in connection with a statue of the god
Nebo, found by ]\Ir. Loftus, and in the same collection, that
Semiramis, or Sammuramat, was the wife of the predecessor
of Tiglath-pileser, that is of Pul, who died about the year
B.C. 746. Now the legend concerning Semiramis is, that she
imprisoned, if not murdered, her husband, and that having
married one of the officers about the palace^ (probably
Nabonassar), she set up her government thenceforth at
Babylon. Now, if we count one hundred and sixty-six years
downwards from B.C. 747, the first year of Nabonassar, or from
B.C. 746, the last year of Pul, it will lead us, not to the year 604,
but to the year B.C. 581, that is to the time when Nitocris was
left a widow by the death of Nabopalassar, or Labynetus I, her
husband. And of Nitocris it is related that, being fearful of
the restless spirit and growing power of the Medes, and
seeing how Nineveh and other cities had fallen before them,
she immediately began to fortify Babylon by a system of
canals and embankments. This therefore must have
happened about the year B.C. 581, and after the fall of
Nineveh, and while she was probably carrying on the
government on behalf of her son Nebuchadnezzar, who was
then much absent from Babylon on warlike expeditions.

There is yet one other point which requires explanation
before I quit the subject of the Hebrew date of Nebuchad-
nezzar's reign, as reckoned in the Bible. We have already
seen (p. 151) how Josephus, quoting Berosus, in his con-
troversy with Apion, relates that Nabopalassar the father of
Nebuchadnezzar died at Babylon while his son was in Egypt,
after a reign of twenty-nine years. Now, there is no question
that Nabopalassar began to reign in the year B.C. 625, as
proved by an eclipse registered at Babylon in his fifth year,
B.C. 621. But twenty -nine years counted from the year 625
to the accession of Nebuchadnezzar brings us to the year
B.C. 596 for the first year of this king's reign, a date which
agrees neither with Ptolemy, nor with the system of dates
which I propose. It is accepted, however, by Clement of
Alexandria, who is a weighty, though not infallible, authority.

' Agatliias ii, 25.

lo8 Date of the Fall of Nineveh.

Nevertheless, it is a date which cannot possibly be correct.
The difficulty of the question arises from the almost universal
practice of omitting the twenty-eight years of Scythian
dominion from the ordinary schemes of Assyrian chronology,
a period so emphatically marked by Herodotus by thrice
repeating the figures. When these twenty-eight years are
inserted, as they must be, betAveen the time of the subjection
of Assyria to the Scythians and the conquest of Nineveh by
the Medes, the difficulty concerning the twenty-nine years
reign of Nabopalassar is thus naturally explained. Nabo-
palassar, A\'hen he revolted from Assyria, became not only
long of Babylon, but also king of Nineveh in B.C. 625. He
was, in fact, the king described in the Book of Judith^ as
" Nabuchodonosor who reigned at Nineveh," Now, it was
in the sixteenth year of his reign over Nineveh that the
Scythians came to his assistance and saved Nineveh from
destruction by the army of Cyaxares, who came to avenge his
father's death, that is in the year B.C. 610, as will be presently
shown on the authority of Abydenus : and twenty-eight
years counted from thence, exclusive of the sixteen years of
reign before their arrival, brings us to the year B.C. 583,
when Nineveh was finally destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar and
Cyaxares, and Saracus perished in the flames. The twenty-
nine years' reign, therefore, of Nabopalassar spoken of by
Berosus has reference to the twenty-nine years which elapsed
from the time of his subjection to the Scythians in B.C. 610 ; for
either the Scythians, or the Babylonians seem to have begun
to compute a new era in Assyria from the time of Scythian
occupation, though Nabopalassar still lingered on at Nineveh.
As, therefore, the twenty-eighth year of this era was B.C. 583,
so this twenty-ninth year of the era was concurrent with the
year B.C. 582, which was the last year of Nabopalassar in
Babylon. Again, we have the thirtieth year of the same era

' Mr. Clinton saw clearly that Sardauapalus was " the same person as
Nabuchodonosor of the Book of Judith," — and reckoned that he began to
reign forty-four years before the destruction of Nineveh, vol. i, p. 277. The
real interval is forty-two years. If he had followed Polyhistor, and had
identified Sardauapalus with Nabopalassar also, he would have counted forty-
two years from B.C. 625, and so have arrived at- the true date of the destruction
of Nineveh.

Date of the Fall of Nineveh. 151t

recorded by Ezeldel (i, 1), where, he speaks of himself as
being- amongst the captives encamped by the river Chebar ;
that is to say, amongst the captives sent home by Nebu-
chadnezzar in his first year, B.C. 581, and who were on their
way towards Babylon, while he hastened home with a few
companions to take the throne (p. 151). Now the year here
referred to by Ezekiel is specially marked as the fifth year of
the captivity of king Jehoiakim, '' tovto to eVo? to irefjuiTTov
T?}? acx^fxakaxrta^ rov /SacrtXew? Icoa/ceLfx/^ according to the
Septuagint interpreter, that is the fifth year of the subjuga-
tion of Jehoiakim by Pharaoh-Necho, who changed his [name
from Eliakim, in token of his vassalage, and set him up as
ti-ibutary king, being the year also in which Nebuchadnezzar
either dethroned or put to death Necho, just before he took
the throne : after wliich Jehoiakim served him . Not, as
erroneously written in the Hebrew Bible, " the fifth year of
the captivity of king Jehoiachin," or Jechoniah, which was
eleven years later. ^

On the whole, then, it is clear that if, as all now admit,
Tiglath-pileser came to the throne in B.C. 745, and that the
year in which Menahem king of Israel paid tribute to that
kuig was B.C. 738, the only conclusion which can be arrived
at, without altering the Hebrew reckoning as preserved by
the priests at Jerusalem, is, —

1. That Nineveh was destroyed in the year B.C. 583.

2. That Nebuchadnezzar counted his reign from Nisan

B.C. 581.

Thus far as concerns the date of the accession of Nebuchad-
nezzar contained in the 'sacred writmgs of the Jews. The
same date has also been preserved in Jewish secular history,
by one who lived in those days of historical inquiry which
followed the establishment of the Greek empire in the East.
I once more refer to the reckoning of Demetrius, as given by
Clement of Alexandi-ia (Vol. I, p. 208-9), who counted the
reigns of the kings of Judah upwards from the reign of
Ptolemy IV, and determined especially the dates of the
tlu-ee captivities of Judah and Israel, under Shalmanezer,

' Ezek. i, 2, is evidently merely an insertion of some early interpreter.

160

Date of the Fall of NineveJi.

Sennacherib, and Nebuchadnezzar. From which we obtain

the following- residt : —

Hezekiah . .
Manasseh . .

29 years
.. 55 „

B.C.
. 702
. 673

Anion

■• 2 „

. 618

Josiah

. . 31 „

. 616

Jehoahaz . .

3 months

. 586

Jehoiakim
Jechoniah. ,

11 years
3 months

. 585
. 574

Zedekiah . .

11 years

. 573

" The last carrying away of captives
from Jerusalem by Nebuchad-
nezzar," in his twenty-third year,

559

But if the twenty-thii'd year of Nebuchadnezzar was con-
current with the year B.C. 559, his first year in Babylon
must have been reckoned from the first month, Nisan, of
the year B.C. 581. So that whetber we reckon downwards
from the eclipse recorded at Nineveh in B.C. 763, or
upwards from the reign of Ptolemy IV in B.C. 222, we
arrive at precisely the same result, which cannot, there-
fore, but be correct.

The only other writer on Jewish histoiy to whom we can
refer is Josephus. Now Josephus has indeed adopted a date
for the proclamation of C;yTus which no one in these days
Avould be Avilling to accept, and has so thrown much confusion
into Hebrew chronology. Nevertheless, he has preserved the
correct interval between the captivity of the ten tribes, in
the seventh year of Hezekiah as he places it, and the first
year of Cyras, when the temple of Jerusalem was com-
manded to be rebuilt, that is " one hundred and eighty-two
years and a-half," as set forth in detail in the tenth book of
his Antiquities.

Now, according to Demetrius, the ten tribes were carried
away from Samaria 473 years and nine months before
Ptolemy IV, that is in February B.C. 695, the capture of
Samaria having taken place in B.C. 696. And this year agrees,
as I have elsewhere shown, with the date of the captivity
long preserved by the descendants of the ten tribes, that is by

Date of the Fall of Nineveh. IGl

the Caraite Jews of tlie Crimea,^ as witnessed by several
ancient tombstones found at Tschufakale, wliicli have been
earned up to St. Petersburgh, and which are now in the library
of the Academy, bearing by computation the date B.C. 696.
If then we deduct 182^ years from B.C. February 695, wo
come to August B.C. 514 for the last regnal year of Nabonidus,
or Nabonidochus king of Babylon ; and in tlie following year
B.C. 513, just fifty years after the destruction of Jerusalem,
which took place in the nineteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar,
Cyrus son of Cambyses drove him from tlie throne, in the
seventeentli year of liis reign, as Berosus relates. The
nineteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar therefore was B.C. 563,
and his first year B.C. 581, as laid down in Vol. I, p. 233.

II. Date of the Fall of Nineveh, and First Year of Nebuchad-
nezzar, according to Median Chronology.

Herodotus has preserved the record of the reigns of the
successive kings of Media from the time of their first inde-
pendence of Assyria, thus —

Deioces reigned 53 years.

Phraortes „ 22 „

Cyaxares „ 40 ,,

Astyages „ 35 „

150 years.

And lie has told us that Cyaxares was the king who finally
destroyed Nineveh, and that one of the battles which he
fought was in the night, that is during a sudden darkness
caiised by an eclipse of the sun which had been pre-
calculated by Tliales. This eclipse affords the chief mark of
time by which Median chronology is to be determined.

Concerning this eclipse, the Astronomer Royal, Sir
George Any, in a lecture delivered at the Royal Institution,
Feb., 1853, "expressed his opinion that the date B.C. 585
was now established for the eclipse of Thales beyond the
possibility of doubt." Mr. Hind also, who is daily engaged

1 See facsimiles of three of these tombstones in the Preface to " Messiah the
Prince."

Vol. II. U

1G2 Date of the Fall of Nineveh.

in calculations of tliis sort, with the assistance of the best
hmar and solar tables of the present day, writes thus in the
Astronomical Register of Sept., 1872: — "This eclipse which,
as Herodotus informs us, terminated the six years' war
between the Medes and Lydians under Cyaxares and
Alyattes, when during a battle day was suddenly turned
into night, has greatly exercised both the cln-onologist and
the astronomer, and, although misled by imperfect tables of
the lunar motions, they have fixed upon other eclipses from
time to time, it has been known for some years past that the
date distinctly assigned by Pliny, (the fourth year of the
forty-eighth Olympiad), is the correct one." Cyaxares,
therefore, was living till after the year B.C. 585. And it was
in this year that Astyages, the grandfather of Cyrus son of
Cambyses, married the daughter of Alyattes, as Herodotus
tells us (Herod, i, 74). So that the forty years' reign of
Cyaxares could not begin earlier than B.C. 623 : and those
are in error who would place his accession in B.C. 634, and
that of Astyages in B.C. 593.^ We can gather nothing
certain from Herodotus concerning the accession of these
two kings. His reckoning indeed would lead to the conclu-
sion that Cyrus son of Cambyses conquered his grandfather
Astyages and put an end to his reign, some twenty-five
years after his grandfather married, which is somewhat
difficult to believe.

The true reckoning of ]\Iedian chronology may, however,
be recovered from what he relates concerning the death of
Phraortes the father of Cyaxares, who made war upon the
king of Nineveh, and was slain in battle (Herod, i, 109).
The date of this battle could not of course have been earlier
than the year B.C. 624, that is to say not earlier than the
year preceding the earliest possible date for the accession
of liis son. The king of Nineveh that slew Phraortes was not
therefore Assurbanipal, who reigned not more than forty-two
years and died in B.C. 626. Nor was it during the reigns of
Saosduchinus and Kiniladanus at Babylon, the brothers of
Assurbanipal, and whose joint reigns lasted forty-two years,
that Phraortes died. It Avaw tlierefore sonicwlicrc in the

' Rawlinson's Ancient Monarchies, vol. iii, p. 216.

Date of the Fall of Nineveh. 103

reign of Nabopalassar father of Nebucliadnezzar, Avho became
king of Nineveh, and also king of Baliylon, in B.C. &2b, that
Phraortes was slain.

Now I have already observed that Assnrbanipal, who
reigned forty-two years, is the same Assyrian king, called
Acraganes, who reigned forty-two years, in the list of
Assyrian kings given by Castor and Abydenus ; and that
this king was succeeded on the throne of Nineveh by
Sardanapalus, who also was called Thonosconcolerus, or
Machoscolerus. Again I have shown that Polyhistor, copying
probably fi-om Berosus, speaks of Sardanapalus as the father
of Nebuchadnezzar.^

Thonosconcolerus, or Machoscolerus, is e^adently merely
a corruption of Nabochodonerus, or Nabuchodonozor ; and
Sardanapalus, therefore, is, as Polyhistor says, the same as
Nabopalassar father of Nebuchadnezzar, who began to reign
in B.C. 025, and he who is called in the Book of Judith
" Nebuchodonozor who reigned at Nineveh."

Since, therefore, Nabuchodonozor made war with
Arphaxad, or Phraortes, " who reigned over the Medes in
Ecbatane," in his twelfth year,^ B.C. 014, and slew him on the
mountains of Ragau, the first year of Cyaxares his son was
B.C. 013. And thus we ascertain with precision the dates of
accession of the fom- kings of ]\Iedia : —

Deioces reigned 53 years from B.C. 088
Phraortes „ 22 „ „ 035

Cyaxares „ 40 „ ,, 013

Astyages „ 35 „ „ 573 to 539

As regards the first of these dates, B.C. 088, it is the year
which Demetrius has preserved as that in which Sennacherib
carried off captives from Judaea to Nineveh, after threatening
Hezekiah in his fom'teenth year. And Josephus remarks,
that it was " at this time that the dominion of the Assyrians
was overthrown by the Medes." ^ The expression is some-

' See Smith's Assurbaiiipal, pp. 352-354.

- " Auiio igiter duodecimo." Vulgate. — " Auno decimo tertio." Sjriac.

^ Jos. Ant. X, iij 2.

164

Date of the Fall of Nineveh.

what too strong. But it marks decidedly the time of the
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Date of the Fall of Nineveh. 1G5

As regards the last of these dates, B.C. 539, as markmg
the death of Astyages, it is the Median date preserved
ill two copies of the Astronomical Canon of the Kings of
Babylon and Media: and I see no reason why these early
records of Median chronology should be set aside by
Ptolemy's Canon. On the contrary, I believe that the year
B.C. 539 for the death of Astyages, and 538 for the first
year of Cyrus over the Medes, are two well-established dates
from the earliest tradition, and not to be altered. They are,
I think, referred to as well known points of time requiring
no explanation, at the begmning of an aprocryphal book
written before the Christian era, which refers to these two
kings in succession, thus : " And king Astyages was gathered
to his fathers, and Cyrus of Persia i^eceived his kingdom." ^
That is to say, Cp-us the father of Cambyses who had
conquered Astyages, and who buried Astyages with kingly
honours in 539, received the kingdom of Media in 538 in
succession, as having married his daughter Amytis, and died
in battle with Tomyris three years after, that is, 536, when
Darius Hystaspes was about twenty years of age.^

I feel no hesitation, therefore, in fixing the first year of
Cyaxares in B.C. 613 : and in assuming that about the fourth
year of his reign, 610, he was encountered by the Scythians,
who found him in the act of beseiging Nineveh. The
Scythians from thenceforth obtained dominion in Asia for
twenty-eight years, till the year B.C. 583 : when the Medes
again expelled them and destroyed Nineveh: soon after
which Nebuchadnezzar began to reign after his father's
death, in B.C. 581.

Thus, as I have before observed (Vol. I, p. 252), the eclipse
of the year B.C. 763 compels us to lower the date of the forty-
ninth year of Uzziah just twenty-five years, from 762 to 737.
The eclipse of Tliales, B.C. 585, leads to the lowering of the
date of the accession of Nebuchadnezzar to about the same
extent. And a third eclipse, B.C. 689, also recognised by
Mr. Hind as that which occurred in the fourteenth year of
Hezekiah, compels us to lower the date of that year from
B.C. 714 to 689, just twenty-five years.

1 Bel and the Dragon. ^ Herod, i, 20y.

IGG Date oj the Fall of Nineveh.

III. — Date of the Fall of Nineveh, and the first year of
Nehuchadnezzer, according to Assyrian and Babylonian
Chronology.

We have already seen (p. 148) how Abydenus, copying
from Berosus, speaks of Saracus as the reigning king of
Nineveh at the time of the final overthrow of the Assyrian
empire by the Babylonians and ]\Iedes : and how Saracus
came to the thi'one of Assyria after the fall of Sardanapalus,
the last of the dynasty of Ninus. From this it appears that
Saracus must not be confounded with Sardanapalus, as many
are inclined to do. On the other hand Abydenus agrees
with Herodotus, that an intermediate kingdom had arisen at
Nineveh between the fall of the Assyrian and the rise of the
Median empire. There is another valuable passage in
Eusebius in which he has preserved from Abydenus the
exact date of the overthrow of Sardanapalus. Referring to
Abydenus, Ensebius writes:' — "The Chaldeans thus reckon
the kings of their country from Alorus to Alexander. They
do not profess to relate the particulars of the reign of Ninus
and Semiramis. But (Abydenus) having said so much,
deduces the origin of their history from thence. Ninus, he
says, was the son of Arbelus, who was son of Chaalus, who
was son of Arbelus, who was son of Anebus, who was son of
Babius, who was son of Belus king of the Assyrians. He
then enumerates the several kings from Ninus and Semiramis
down to Sardanapalus, who was the last of all the kings :
from whom to the date of the first Olyjnpiad was a period
of (read lG7j years." The figure in the text as it stands is

^ Hoc pacto Chaldaei shag regionis reges ab Aloro usque ad Alexaudrum
recensent : dc Nino et Semiramide nulla ipsis cura est. Htcc cum disissct,
jaminde liistoriac exordium ducit. Fuit, inquit, Ninus Arbeli filius, qui Cbaali,
qui Arbelc, qui Auebi, qui Babii, qui Beli regis Assyriorum. Delude singulos a
Nino et Semiramide rccenset, usque ad Sardanapallum, qui fuit omnittm
postremxis : a quo usque ad primum Olympiadcm cfficiunter 67 auni Abidcnus
itaque de regno Assyriorum singillatim ita scripsit. At non ipse solum, sedctiam
Castor in primo Chronicorum brevi volumine, ad bujiis exemjjli formam syllabatim
quidem de Assyriorum regno enarrat. — Euseb. Ai-m. Auch. 37, 38, 39.

Date of the Fall of Nineveh. 167

G7. This however is clearly either an error in transcribing,
or perhaps more probably an intentional alteration made
with the view of bringing the reckoning of Abydenus into
harmony with the year of accession of an earlier Assyrian
king called Sardanapalns (Assur-dannin-pal), who usnrped
the throne of his father Shalmanezer II, and gained possession
of twenty-seven places and their fortresses, probably in the
year B.C. 843, jnst sixty-seven years before the tu-st
Olympiad.^ It is unreasonable to suppose that Abydenus
contradicted himself to the extent of two hundred years in
two adjoming passages : and I am surprised that Mr. Clinton^
should for a moment have entertained such a possibility.
Abydenus, in the passage before us, is speaking of Sardana-
palns " the last of all the kings,''' who in the previous passage
he had placed in the time of Nebuchadnezzar. He must
therefore have intended to record that Sardanapalns was
deprived^ of the empire of Assyria 167 years after the first
Olympiad (B.C. 776-5), that is to say, in the year B.C. 610-9
It must also, I think, be assumed that the date was so under-
stood down to the time of Eusebius, who places the over-
throw of Nineveh by Cyaxares in the forty-third Olympiad,
B.C. 608, counting from the end of the first year of the first
Olympiad, July, 775. The figure thus restored forms an
invaluable foundation upon which to reconstruct Assyrian
chronology, and to reduce into harmony many conflicting
records concerning it. The power of Assyria, according to

1 See Dr. Haigh. Zeitsclirift fur Agypt. Sprache. July, 1870. Concerning
this king M. Oppert writes, from the annals of his brother Samas-Hou, or
Shamsi-vul : — " Je dis : Sardanapale (Assur-dannin-paUa) traina un complot
perfide contre son pere Salmanassar, et se fit entraiuer S, des instincts de ven-
geance, et emeuta le pays, il prepara la guerre, et se concilia les hommes d'Assyrie,
de la haute et de la basse : il fortifia les villes . . . et se prepara a livrer combat et
bataille. Les villes de — {giving the names), 27 localites et lem- forteresses se
revoltercnt contre Salmanasar roi des quatre regions, mon pere, et se declarerent
pour Sardanapale. A I'aide des grands dieux, mos maitrcs, je les soumis a mon
empire." — (Histoire des empires de Chaldee et d'Assyrie, p. 123). The revolt he

supposes to have lasted five years, I think it was nineteen, as suggested in

Appendix to Smith's Assurbanipal, p. 382.

2 Chnton, Fast. Hell., vol. i, p. 273.

^ This is the expression of Kleitarchus : — yi]pn TeKtvrr^aai cprjai 2ap8avdiTaXkov
uiTa Trjv dTroTrrcocrii' r^s 2vp(i)v dp^ris.

1G8 Date of the Fall of Nineveh.

this record, was destroyed in tlie year B.C. 610-9, by the
victory of the Medes over Sardanapalus, as Herodotus also
rektes. The city of Nineveh, however, was not then
destroyed. The final catastroplie, Herodotus tells us, was
delayed for twenty-eight years by the sudden arrival of
the Scythians, who from thenceforth held supremacy in the
empire till they were expelled by Cyaxares in B.C. 583.

That the fii'st expedition of Cyaxares against Nineveh,
and the first year of Scythian domination over Asia, fell
in the year B.C. 610, is also ascertained with astronomical
exactness thus : — Ferdousi, the Persian historian and poet,
relates that, in the reign of Kai-Kaius, or Cyaxares king of
Media, that king made an expedition against Hamaver,
which place is identified with Nineveh, and that at that time
a battle was fought in the province of Mazenderan, towards
the foot of the Caspian Sea, say in latitude 37° N., and also
that Kai-Kaius and his army were suddenly struck with blind-
ness, as had been foretold by a magician. " This expedition
against Hamaver mentioned in the Shah Nameh," writes Su'
John Malcolm, " seems to be the siege of Nineveh recorded
by the Greek writers, who agree with Ferdousi in stating
that the operations were interrupted by an invasion of the
Scythians":^ and this is strongly supported by the fact
that the battle with the ]\Iedes was fought near the Caspian.
For Herodotus is very precise in describing the route taken
by the Scythians from the Palus Moeotis, or Sea of Azoflf, as
not along the coast of the Black Sea, but by marching with
the Caucasus on then- right, and entering Media say through
the opening between the Caucasus and the Caspian, in
latitude 41°. All agree that the sudden blindness of Kai-
Kaius has reference to the darkness of a total solar eclipse :
and in the year 1853, in the course of an examination of the
paths of the three solar eclipses of B.C. 610, 603, and 585,
the only possiljle eclipses applicable to that foretold by
Thales, Mr. Airy^ laid down the line of the eclipse of
B.C. 610 as not passing over Asia Minor, but north of the
Sea of Azoff and over Astrachan, towards the head of the

' Sii' J. Malcolm's History of Persia, vol. i, p. 219.
^ See Sir G. Airy's paper in Phil. Trans., 1853.

SOLAR ECLIPSE. B.C. 610. Scpr.lO.

To fa£» pa^e 163

■u:hu± a. j/urt J(fu/-fun-, Oir As//tr-uui£ fcnrii/ tiu cnfy uiterteimiq naticn TTiw wcls firt the read ikkcn tiy ihx Scyiii-tiavg .y^hc turranq t
StraitihL course fecfc tlit upprr rvult hHicJi i# much- Irnqcr. kfrpai^ ihe Cauxusite .n thfir n^ht. Ilirr'^k 1 104

t^i

Date of the Fall of Nineveh. 169

Caspian. But if it is true that Kai-Kaius fell under the
shadow of a total eclipse about the time of his first attack
upon Nineveh, this is the only eclipse which could have
caused the darkness. The true path of the eclipse must,
therefore, have been south, not north of the Caucasus, and
the date of the expedition neither sooner nor later than
B.C. 610.

Eusebius goes on to state that Castor had wi-itten pre-
cisely to the same effect as Abydenus, as in the following
extract from the Canon of Castor : — " The Assyrian kings
began with Belus. But since we have no certain tradition
of the length of his reign, we only mention the name. The
beginning of the chronology we calculate from Ninus, and
we end with the reign (that is the dynasty) of another
Ninus, who received the empire after Sardanapalus. So
that tlie whole period of the dynasty as well as the period
of each individual reign is apparent. And thus we find that
the whole period covered the space of 1,280 years. This is
the testimony of Castor."' This passage must have been in
the memory of St. Augustine when he wrote (Civ. D. xviii)
— " According to the writings of those who have studied
chronological history, this empire lasted 1,280 years, from
the first year in which Ninus began to reign till it was
transferred to the Medes."^ If, then, we add 1,280 years to
the year B.C. 610-9, we find that Ninus and Semiramis (that
is the first Semiramis of Assyrian history) began to reign
in the year B.C. 1889. Nothing can be more plain and
precise than the reckoning of these two chronologists : and
nothing more clear than that Eusebius adopted their reckon-
ing, as far as regards the date of the fall of Sardanapalus,
about the year B.C. 609-8.

Again, Eusebius refers to the testimony of Ctesias the
Cnidian,'' contained in his second book, as copied by Diodorus,

^ Euseb. Arm. Aucli., p. 40.

2 Abydenus aud Castor do not say that the empire was then transferred to
the Medes.

^ Similiter ei inquit, et aUi reges a patre filius imperium accepiebant, regna-
veruntque a progeuie in progeuiam usque ad Sardauapallum. Sub eo enim regnum
Assyriorum ad Medas translatum est, quum mille trecentos et amplius annos
perdurasset prout Ctesias Cnidius in secundo libro tradit (Euseb. Arm., p.*41).

170 Date of the Fall of Nineveh.

who also reckons from Xiiius to Sardanapalus, and records
that in his reign the emphe was transferred to the Medes
after it had lasted upwards of 1,300 years. The exact
figure, as copied by Agathias, is 1,306 years,' And, again,
St. Augustine confirms the reckoning when he writes : — " The
empire was transferred to the Medes after about 1,305 years.'
Augustine, however, endeavours to reconcile this reckoning
with that of Abydenus, by suggesting that Ctesias counted
from Belus the father of Ninus, instead of Ninus himself;^
whereas the true explanation is, that Ctesias drew his
account from the Persian or ]\Iedian annals, and finding
there no recognition of the overthrow of the Medes by the
Scythians and their subsequent supremacy in Asia, which
certainly took place, has made no mention of those twenty-
eight years, but passes at once to the time of the final
destruction of Nineveh by the Medes at the end of that
time, placing it correctly within the lifetime of Sardanapalus:
while we know from the accurate account of the Chaldeans
that it was in the reign of Saracus, his successor and con-
temporary, that the final overthrow of Nineveh took place.
Ctesias has thus preserved the true interval of time between
the reign of Ninus and the destruction of the city and transfer
of empu-e to the Medes. And if Ave deduct 1,306 years fi-om
the date of the accession of Ninus, B.C. 1889, we arrive at
the year B.C. 583 for the expulsion of the Scythians and
dominion of the Medes.

Thus it appears that whether we follow Jewish, Median,
or Chaldean reckoning, we arrive at the same definite
result : —

B.C.

I. That the destruction of Nineveh by the

Medes and Babylonians took place in , . 583
II. That Nebuchadnezzar, who came to the
thi'one soon after the fall of Nineveh,
began to reign about . . . . . . 581

With tliis plain conclusion we might be content to quit
the Assyrian reckoning, were it not that Diodorus in another

> Agathias ii, 25, p. 120. - Sec Clinton, toI. i, p. 2G8.

Date of the Fall of Nlnei'ch. 171

passage, quoting probably from Bion and Polyhistor,^ writes :
— " The empire of the Assyrians from Ninus, after lasting
thirty generations and more than 1,400 years, was destroyed
by the Modes," ^ which statement leads into another wide field
of ligm'es : for he thus raises the first year of Ninus from
B.C. 1889 to, say, B.C. 1989. It is usual to correct reTpaKoo-twi/
into TpiaKoaloiy. But I doubt whether the passage can be so
easily dismissed. Diodorus was probably perplexed between
two reckonings of the same period differing to the extent of
100 years, as the librarian of Assurbanipal, some 600 years
before him, had been perplexed between two copies of the
original document which differed exactly to the same extent.
Polyhistor confessedly took Berosus for his authority ; and
his extracts from that historian are much enhanced in value
since the recovery by Mr. Smith of tlie Chaldean tablet
relating the history of the deluge, which so closely agrees
with his account. Eusebius writes : — " Polyhistor also adds
that after the deluge Evexius held the territory of the
Chaldeans for a period of four ners. And after him his son
Comasbelus held the empire for a period of four ners and
five sosses. But from Xisuthrus, and from the time of the
deluge to the time when tlie Medes took Babylon, Polyhistor
reckons altogether eighty-six kings, naming each from the
volume of Berosus, the time comprehended being 33,091
years. (?) After these had been thus firmly established, the
Medes suddenly brought up their forces against Babylon, to
take it and to place rulers taken from amongst themselves
over it. Then he gives the names of the Median kings,
eight in number, who reigned 224 years : and, again, eleven
kings who reigned — years : and after this, forty-nine Chal-
dean kings who reigned 458 years : then nine Arabian kings
for 245 years. And after this he speaks of the reign
of Semiramis, and accurately names forty-five kings Avho
reigned 526 years, after which a king of the Chaldeans
named Phul came to the throne."^

* Agathias ii, 95,

2 ff fiiv ovv fjyefjioVLa raiv 'Aa-a-vplcov, otto NiVou 8iafJ.eLvaaa fiev rpiaKOVTii
yeveag errj 8e TrXeio) rav ^'■^''■^^ '''*' T^TpuKocricov, vtto MijSojj/ KarekiBr]. —
Diod. ii, 81.

3 Euseb. Arm. 19, 20.

172 Date of the Fall of Nineveh.

This mention of the name of Phul, whose last year
■we have ah-eady ascertained was B.C. 740, affords another
vahiable element in the reconstruction of Assyrian chronology,
wliL-n taken in connexion with the history of the eighth
campaign of Assurbanipal (B.C. 1)51), who made war upoii
the kmg of Elam, and brought back the image of Nana
wliich had been carried off from Erech, or A\'arka, by the
king of Elam, Kndurnanhundi.

2 ners = 1,200 years

7 sosses = 420 ,,
15 years . . 15 „

1,635 years ^ before that time.

For we know from the Assyrian Canon that the year
B.C. 788 was the termination of a cycle, and by deducting
120 years, or two sosses, from these dates, we come to the
year B.C. 668, as the termination of another cycle. And since
the herald of Assurbanipal was sent to the king of Elam after
the fifteenth year counted from 668 to demand restitution of
Nana's image, that is about the year B.C. 652, and Mr. Smith
reckons that the eighth campaign of Assurbanipal took place
in 651,^ when the image was restored; by adding 1,635 years
to that date we arrive at the year B.C. 22'^'o as the date of
the invasion of Babylonia by the Elamites, called Medes by
Polyhistor ; and fi-om this year we have to reckon down
to the accession or invasion of Pul.

Mr. Smith informs us that there are several copies of the
inscription in the British Museum which bear this figure
1,635. But he also adds that there are three copies which
contain the figure 1,535, and probably there were many more
which followed that reckoning. So that there was un-
certainty concerning the true date of the first Median
invasion, to the extent of one hundred years, even in the
days of Assurbanipal. This Avill account for many descre-
pancies between the different writers on Assyrian history.
Ctesias appears to have adopted the shorter date, when he

1 See Smith's Assurbanipal, pp. 219, 251, 254.

2 Zeitschrift fiir Agyptisclie Sprache Xov., 1868, p. 116

Date of the Fall of iVinereh.

173

jilaces the first year of Ninus in B.C. 1889, with Castor and
Abydenus : and from thence concludes that the beginning
of the Assyrian empire was more than 1,000 years before the
taking of Troy^ (B.C. 1183 or 1184), leading to tlie date
B.C. 218G. ^milius Sm-a also counts 1,995 years from the con-
quest of Antiochus in Assyria by the Romans, to the beginning
of the first Assyrian empire, thus correctly preserving the date
B.C. 2185, though wrongly naming this as the date of Ninus.^
On the other hand, Diodorus places the reign of Ninus in
B.C. 1989, leading up to the year B.C. 2286 as the date of the
earliest empire in Assyria. And Syncellus also places the
first year of Belus in anno mundi 321G=B.C. 228(5, that is
1,4G0 years before the reign of Arbaces who slew Sardanapalus,
or Assur-dannin-pal, which event he places in B.C. Si2(]. Thus
correctly preserving the date B.C. 2286, and not entirely
wrong in his mode of arriving at it, though Belus was not
then king.

Thus we have presented to us a choice of two modes of
reckoning : —

According to Diodorus and jEmilius

Sura, following Abydenus, Castor,

and Ctesias.

B.C.

Elamites .... 224 years from 2186
Eleven Kings 73 „ 1962

Ninus .... 458

224 years from 2286

According to Diodorus and Syncellus,
following Polykistor.

B.C.

Elamites or

Medes
Eleven Kings
Ninus and
Semiramis
Arabians ....
Assyrians ....
Pul the Chaldean

„ 2062

458

1989

245

„ 1531

526

1286

ian

... from 760

746

„ 1889

Arabians .... 145(?) „ 1531

Assyrians .„. 526 „ 1286

Pul from 760

to
746

The first of these computations is preferable to the
second. For each date in the reckoning rests upon authority
Avithout any alteration, and thus the reign of Pul becomes
fixed between B.C. 760 and 746, so leading down to the

' Tavravov yap BaaiKevovTos rrjs 'Acri'as oj t]i> Kr aivo 'Nivov tov ^efjipofxiSos,
(Pacrl roiis iJ-era KyafX€jj.voros "YiWrfvas eVi Tpoiav arpaTevcrai rrjv rjyefxoviav
i)(6vT(ov TTjs ^Aaias 'Acrcrvpiaiv err] TrXeicou tcov ;^£A('cov. — SynccUus, 1G6.

^ See Clinton, toI. i, p. 264.

174 Date of the Fall of Nineveh.

accession of Nebiichadnezzav, B.C. 581. The second com-
putation requires an alteration of one hundred years in the
Arabian dynasty. Mr. Smith's new discoveries, which may
perhaps comprise the twelfth Cliaklean tablet, whicli is
missing, from whence the above figures were derived, may
perhaps decide between these two modes of adjustment of
Assyrian chronology.

Now whether w^e count 1G35 downwards from B.C. 2286,
or 1535 from B.C. 2186, we arrive at the same year B.C. 652.
And this was the year, according to the annals of Assurbanipal,
in which Psammetichus threw off the yoke of Assyria. If
Psammetichus, therefore, began to reign m B.C. 652, then did
his son Necho II die, as will be shown under the head of
Eg}"ptian Chronology, just seventy years after that date,
in B.C. 582, in the year when Nebuchadnezzar smote the
army of Pharaoh-Necho at Carcheraish.

lY. — Date of the Fall of Nineveh, and the first year of
N^ehuchadnezzar, according to Egyptian Chronology.

The argument derived from Eg}q3tian cln*onology is
extremely simple and interesting. No one will be inclined
to dispute the authority of the Assyrian Canon, which shows
that Esarhaddon came to the throne of Nineveh and Babylon
in the year B.C. 681 : nor the authority of the cylinders of
Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, from which we learn that
after being engaged in several wars till about the year
B.C. 670, he made an expedition mto Eg^qit, drove from
thence Tirhakah king of Ethiopia, and divided Egypt into
twenty ]:)roviiices subject to Assyria, with governors com-
posed partly of Egyptian princes, partly of Assyrians, and
died about the year B.C. 668. In that year he was succeeded
by his son Assurbanipal, Avhich was the year when ]\larlarini
was archon eponymous at Nineveh. Thus far the chronology
is certain and exact.

We next come to the interesting annals of Assurbanijoal,
the translation of wliicli l»y i\Ir. George Smith is sufhcicntly
well known. Now Assurbanipal begins his history thus : —

Date of the Fall of Nineveh.

175

" Tirhakah king of Egypt and- Ethiopia, whom my father
Esarhaddon had overthrown and taken the country from him,
despising the power of Assur, Ishtar, and the great gods
my lords, and trusting in his own might, came np against
the kings and governors set up by my father in Egypt,
shiying, plundering, and carrying captive. He set himself
lip at Memphis, the city which my father had added to
Assyria. I was walking round in the midst of Nuieveh
when one came and told me this. My heart was bitterly
afflicted. I collected my army. I directed my march to
Egypt and Ethiopia. I accomplished the overthrow of his
ai'my.

Necho

Sarludari

Pisanhor

Paqruru

king of ]\Iemphis and Sais
king of Pelusium (?)
king of Nectho
king of Piscept

Puklunianni-hafi king of Atribis

Na-ah-ke-e king of Henius

Petubastes

Unamunu

Horsiesis

Buaiuva

Sheshonk

Tnephachthus

king of Tanis
king of Natho
king of Sebennytus
king of Mendes
king of Busiris
king of Bunubu

Pukkunannihafi king of Akhni
Iptikhardesu king of Pazatti-hm-unpiku
Necht-hor-ansini kinei: of Pisabdinut

Bukur-ninip

Zikha

Lamintu

Ispimathu

Munti-mi-anche

king of Pachnut
king of Siyoiit
king of Chemmis
king of Abydos
king of Thebes

These kings, prefects, and governors, wliom my father
had appointed over Egypt, and who had left their appoint-
ments and fled to the desert, I restored. I bomid them
more strongly in covenant. I returned in peace to Nineveh." '
And thus it appears that these kings and governors, after

' George Smith's Assurbanipal, p. 15.

176 Date of the Fall of Nineveh.

a short period of confusion and aniirchy, wure replaced in
power, soy, about the year B.C. GG7.

Let us now refer to Diodorus Sieuhis, who was well
acquainted witli Egyptian history. Diodorus relates, that
when the king of Ethiopia, whom he inadvertently calls
Sabaco, but whom we know from the Ass;yTian annals was
Tirhakah, had, in obedience to a vision, departed from Egypt,
and retired into EthiojDia, (the Ethiopian annals of course
not recognising his overthrow by the Assyrians,) there was
anarchy in Egypt for two years, that is to say during the
two years after his withdi'awal or expulsion, B.C. 6fi9, 068,
and the Tvhole country was subject to tumult and bloodshed.
Diodorus then goes on to say that twelve of the principal
governors conspired together at Memphis, and, having sworn
to support each other, made themselves kings, and 'adminis-
tered the affau's of Egypt for fifteen years, that is to say,
from 667 to B.C. Q>b2. Herodotus confirms the account of
Diodonis as regards the number of Egyptian princes being
twelve : and it is not difficult to select twelve names from
the foregoing list as Egyptian. Diodorus adds, that after
they had governed for fifteen years (irevTeKatSeKa eTrj), thus
twice repeated m words, the kingdom came into the hands
of one of the princes, viz., Psammetichus the Saite, the son
of Necho, whose year of accession therefore must have been
B.C. 652. Diodorus and Herodotus concur in stating that
lonians and Carians w^ere instrumental in placing Psam-
metichus on the throne of Egypt, and the annals of
Assm-banipal mention how Gyges king of Lydia had shown
himself favomrable to the revolt of Egypt from Assyria in
the year of his death B.C. 655. Psammetichus, we are told,
was t^\^ce banished from Egypt after his ftither Necho's
death, say, till the year 653, when he conquered the other
eleven kings. But his first regnal year would be counted
fi-oni the first day of Thoth, or 2nd February, B.C. 652.
Manetho places the death of Necho I. in B.C. 655, and thus
agrees with Diodorus (when allowance is made for two
periods of banislnnent) as to the year of the accession of
Psammetichus, B.C. 652. Those are in error who would place
the first year of Psammeliclius in B.C. 662 : for ilim would the

Date of the Fall of Nineveh. Ill

fifteen years of dodecarchy, preceded by two years of anarchy,
lead to the year B.C. 679, for the expulsion of Tirhakah by
Esarhaddon, which is ten years too early according to his
annals.

Now, according to the evidence of the Apis tablets at
Memphis, Psammetichus reigned upwards of fifty-four years,
and Necho II, his son, upwards of fifteen years, together
seventy years. Deducting, therefore, seventy years from
B.C. 652 we come to the year B.C. 582 for the last regnal
year of Necho : and this is the year in which, as we have
already seen, Nebuchadnezzar smote the army of Pharaoh-
Necho at Carchemish, who had come up to prevent the
overthrow of Nineveh by the Medes and Babylonians, and
followed him down into Egypt and deposed him. In the
following 'year, B.C. 581, Nebuchadnezzar succeeded his father
at Babylon.

Thus, then, I have fulfilled my undertaking, and have
shown from Jewish, Median, Assyrian and Babylonian, and
Egyptian reckoning, how the Fall of Nineveh took place in
the year B.C. 583, and how the dynasty of Babylonian kings,
which began with Nebuchadnezzar, was set up in B.C. 581,
and lasted till the seventeenth year of Nabonadius, B.C. 513,
when Cyrus son of Cambyses took that throne.

Lastly, this reckoning is placed beyond dispute, when we
consider that the nineteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar, in
which he conquered Jerusalem, thus fell in the year B.C. 563,
Avhich is the year of that event derived from Demetrius :
that " seventy years of desolation of the city of Jerusalem " ^
counted fi'om that date brings us to B.C. 493, that is to say,
to the first year of Darius son, or successor, of Ahasuerus of
the seed of the Medes, who Avas then about sixty-two years
of age, which we know from Ctesias w^as the age of Darius
son of Hystaspes at that date : and that " seventy weeks " of
years, or 490 years, counted from thence, lead us to the year
B.C. 3, in the autumn of which year Christ was born.

I am well aware of certain difficulties in the w^ay of this

system of reckoning, arising, as is supposed, from the history

of Sargon found at Khorsabad. For Sargon certainly cap-

1 Daniel ix, 2 ; t, 31.

Vol. II. 12

178 Date of the Fall of Nineveh,

tured Samaria : and this capture is generally placed in
B.C. 721, the commonly received date of the capture, not
by Sargou, but by Shalmanezer, when Hoshea ceased to
reign. But I feel little doubt that it will ultimately turn
out that Sargon's capture was really that which occurred
when Pekah was slain, and Hoshea was first set up as
governor in his stead by the Assyrians : also that Sargon was
acting at that time as a prmce of the empire, subordinate to
Tiglath-pileser the supreme king, ^ and that Shalmanezer
took Samaria in the reign of "king Jareb," or Sennac-jarib
in Assyria,^ that is in B.C. ()96.

1 Isaiah x, 8. ^ Hosea v, 13 ; x, 5, 6, 7, 14.

179

THE LEGEND OF ISHTAR DESCENDING
TO HADES.

Translated hy H. F. Talbot, F.R.S., &c.
Head ^rd June, 1873.

SOiME years ago the British Museum had a large number
of photographs made from the Assyrian tablets, copies of
which were liberally distributed. One of these, marked K 102,
and also 130 a and h^ appeared to me of so curious a nature,
that I made a translation of it, which was published in the
Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature, vol. 8, p. 244.
In the introduction to my paper I said, "Another cause of
the obscurity of this tablet is that the commencement of it is
fi-actured and lost, so that the reader finds himself launched at
once in medias res, without knowing what may have preceded."
In fact, nearly one half of the tablet was broken ofi". The
missing half has since been fortunately discovered by Mr. G.
Smith, and the tablet is now nearly, though not quite,
entire. The addition of so large a portion has naturally
altered my opinion as to the meaning of the tablet, although
my translation is fully confirmed in one respect, viz., that the
goddess Ishtar is deprived of the splendid ornaments of her
dress in seven successive portions, and that these are ulti-
mately restored to her in exactly the reverse order.

This curious Legend appears to be only a portion of a
more ancient and copious one. I think so from the abrupt
transitions and the various events that are left unexplained.
It is a grave defect in the story, that absolutely no reason is
assigned why Ishtar shoiild have made the dangerous descent
to Hades, and encountered so much grief and humiliation.

180 Tlie Legend of hhtar descending to Hades.

But perhaps there once existed another tablet, preceding
this one, in which the causes were rehxted which led to this
adventure.

The following translation is as literal as I can make it.

Column I.

1. To the land of Hades, the ( ) of the Earth

2. Ishtar daughter of the Moon-god Sin [turned] her mind,

3. And the daughter of Sin fixed her mind \to go there'] :

4. To the House of Eternity : the dwelling of the god of

the Earth

5. To the House men enter — but cannot depart from :
G. To the Road men go — but cannot return.

7. The abode of darkness and famine

8. Where Earth alone, is theh miserable food :

9. Light is not seen : in darkness they \_wander] :

10. Bats, like birds, have fixed their dwelling there :

11. And a growth of thick branches conceals the door.

12. When Ishtar arrived at the gate of Hades

13. To the keeper of the gate a word she spoke :

14. 0 keeper of the place, open thy gate !

15. Open thy gate ! again, that I may enter !

16. The penalty : if thou openest not thy gate, and I enter not,

17. I will assault the door : I ^vill break down the gate :

18. I \sall attack the entrance : I will split open the portals :

19. I will corrupt with death, the food of life :

20. Instead of life, it shall change to death I

21. Then the Porter opened his mouth and spoke

22. And said to the great Ishtar :

23. Be of good cheer, Lady ! do not distress thyself!

24. I will go to open it for the Queen of the gods.

25. The Porter entered, and spoke again :

26. This is the place ! Take care to thyself, Ishtar I \Jiere some

words are lost]

27. A cavern of great rocks [several ivords lost]

28. The Lord of the Earth has these [tco7'ds lost]

29. See ! as it were a green bough cut ofi" [words lost]

The Leyend of Ishtar descending to Hades. 181

30. As it were, a rod of salvation, from a tree

31. Tliese I bring- as a protection to life : \they loill he'\ a

great protection ! ^

32. This is the place ! I will go with thee !

33. See ! as it were, food : and, as it were, cups of water ....

{Lines 34, 35, 36 are omitted, being much broken. They
appear to mean —

" The shades of those loho did evil on earth,
men, loomen, and children ; this is their food.")

The trajisition now to line 37 is so rapid, that T think part of
the original legend must have been omitted.

37. Go, gate-keeper ! open the gate for her !

38. But divest her of her high Crown of ancient jewels !

39. The gate-keeper went, and opened the gate for her :

40. Excuse it, Lady ! if thy high Crown I take off

41. That the King of Hades may meet thee with pleasure ! ^

42. The first gate admitted her, and stopped her : there was

taken off the great Crown from her head.

43. Keeper ! do not take off from me, the great Crown from

my head !

44. Excuse it, Lady ! for, the Lord of the Earth demands its

jewels. ^

45. The second gate admitted her, and stopped her : there

were taken off the earrings of her ears.

46. Keeper ! do not take off from me, the earrings of my ears ;

47. Excuse it, Lady ! for, the Lord of the Earth demands

its jewels !

' So wlien ^neas descended to Hades, the Sibyl warned liim that he would
have need of the magical protection of a golden bough which he was to gather (if
the Fates permitted) from a dark green tree {opacd ilice). Virg. Mn. vi, 144
and 210. The wrath of Charon, when JEneas wished to stejJ into his boat, was
calmed by the production of this bough, which he had kept concealed beneath
his Test, (vi, 406.)

- She wore a lofty Crown ; therefore {perhaps) in the domiaions of another
Monarch and in his presence this was unsuitable.

^ All the jewels, and the gold, came originally out of the Earth : is that the
meaning ?

182 Tlie Lefjend of Ishtar desceyiding to Hades.

48. The third gate admitted her, and stopped her : there

were taken off the precious stones fi-om her head.

49. Keeper! do not take off from me, the precious stones

from my head !

50. Excuse it. Lady ! for, the Lord of the Earth demands

its jewels!

b\. The fourth gate admitted her, and stopped her : there
were taken off the small lovely gems from her forehead.

52. Keeper ! do not take off from me, the small lovely gems

from my forehead !

53. Excuse it, Lady ! for, the Lord of the Earth demands its

jewels.

54. The fifth gate admitted her, and stopped her : there was

taken off the jewelled girdle of her waist.

55. Keeper ! do not take off from me, the jewelled girdle

fi'om my waist !

56. Excuse it, Lady ! for, the Lord of the Earth demands its

jewels.

57. The sixth gate admitted her, and stopped her : there

were taken off the golden rings of her hands and feet.

58. Keeper ! do not take off from me, the golden rings of my

hands and feet !

59. Excuse it, Lady ! for the Lord of the Earth demands its

jewels.

60. The seventh gate admitted her, and stopped her : there

was taken off the necklace from her neck.
6L Keeper! do not take off from me, the necklace of my

neck!
62. Excuse it, Lady ! for, the Lord of the Earth demands its

jewels !

(53. After that mother Ishtar had descended into Hades

64. The Lord of Hades saw her; and sought her presence

eagerly.
05. But Ishtar did not move : but sat alone by herself

The Legend of Ishtar descending to Hades. ' 183

06. The Lord of Hades opened his mouth and spoke :

67. To Namtar his messenger a word he said :

68. Go, Namtar ! and , o

Here unfortunately a great fracture of the tablet occurs.
I therefore pass over the rest of Column I, merely observing
that five of the lines commence "with parts of the body, viz.,
the Eyes, the Side, the Feet, the Heart, and the Head, and
seemingly relate to the jewels worn on those parts, of which
Ishtar had been deprived.

Note on the name of Hades. — Hades is called in the
Cuneiform writing ^^^ ^ B'^ff-*^ ff ^'-^^ " the land of
No Return." This was first observed by Mr. G. Smith in
his Annals of Assurbanipal. Its ruler is sometimes called
^>f- ^^y <Jg[ ^^\ Nin-kiti 'Lord of the Earth,' and
sometimes *^>^ t^BJ K^I^ ^I*" Nin-ki-galli, which means
'Lord of the great space or region,' because the Ancients
figured to themselves Hades as a vast cavern which could
never be filled, though the spirits of men were constantly
descending into it.

COLUoMN 11.

The second Column puts me in mind of the " Arabian
Nights." However imperfectly I may have translated it, I
am sure that the Society would wish the attempt to be made,
the matter is so cuiious. If we could find more tablets of
this description, we should advance rapidly in our knowledge
of the language.

The subject of the second column may be briefly stated
thus : the gods of heaven, the Sun, Moon, and Hea, saw with
pity the misfortunes of Ishtar, and resolved to release her
from her captivity. The god >^TTyT Tr whose name is now
generally transcribed as Hea, but perhaps better as Hu or
Ho, is very distinguished in the Assyrian writings as being
the god of all clever inventions, mysteries, and profound
thoughts. He is called Bil Nimiki, " the Lord of Mysteries,''
and Sennacherib and other kmgs attribute to his inspiration
the great skill and ingenuity which they affii-m they them-
selves possessed.

18-1 The Le<jend of hlitar deHcendintj to ILnlc^.

The god Hea, tlien, revolving- in liis mind how to Hberate
Ishtar, formed a scheme which, as I said, has some resem-
blance to the Arabian Nights. By his magic power he raised
up the phantom of a black man, a kind of conjuror, and,
promising him very great rewards if he should succeed, dis-
patched him to the realms of Hades, to deceive the mind of
its Sovereign with false illusions.^

The PJiantom departs, and reaches the King's presence :
and a feat is then described which I can only compare
to a successful juggler's trick : and if this should appear
improbable I would observe that jugglers and magicians
appear to have Avrought wonders in the East from time
immemorial : witness Pliaraoh's Egyptian magicians who
pretended to turn rods of wood into serpents, and succeeded
so as to deceive all beholders (Exod. vii, 12).

While the king of Hades was lost in astonishment at
beholding this prodigy, the magician seized the opportunity
to give to Ishtar a cup of the water of Life, the drink of the
gods, and she forthwith returned in triumph 1 o- the upj)er
regions of the habitable world, receiving back by the way
all the jewels of which she had been deprived.

The following is a nearly literal translation of the second
column : —

1. The messenger of the gods prostrated himself before them

2. (This line is injured: sense doubtful)

3. The Sun came, along with the Moon his father,

4. And along with Hea the king they came to save her.

5. Tshtar sat on the ground, and would not rise.

(5. From the time that mother Ishtar had descended into

Hades
7. She spoke not to ( ), she looked not at ( )

[Lines 8, 9, 10, at^e of uncertain meaning^

11. The god Hea in the depth of his mind laid a plan,

12. He formed, for her escape, the phantom of a black man.

' So, in Homer, Zeus sends a Dream to dooeive the miud of Agamemnon.
Boctk' i6i, owXe Ovfipe.
The reason why the pliantom is described as dark or swarthy, is eYitlcully tliat
such a form suited a messenger to Hades.

The Leijend of Ishtar Jesceitdimj to Hades. 185

13. Go to save her, Phantom! present thyself at tlie portal

of Hades,

14. The seven gates of Hades will open before thee,

15. The Lord of Hades will see thee, and be pleased with

thee.
1 G. When her mind shall be grown calm, and her anger shall
be worn off,

17. Give her to drink of the liquor of the gods,

18. Prepare thy magic ! On skilful tricks fix thy mind !

19. The chiefest of tricks ! Bring forth fishes of the waters,

out of an empty vessel !

20. While the Lord of Hades is in astonishment at this,

21. Return her ornaments: and restore her splendour!

22. A great reward for these things shall not fail.

23. Phantom ! if thou goest to save her, and dost rescue the

Great Queen,

24. Meats, the fii-st of the city, shall be thy food !

25. Wine, the most delicious in the city, shall be thy drink !

26. To be the Ruler of a Palace, shall be thy rank !

27. A throne of state ? shall be thy seat !

28. Magician and Conjurer shall bow down before thee !

A very abrupt transition here occurs. We find the king
of Hades consenting to the departure of Ishtar. I think
something has been omitted, and that we have not a com-
plete copy of the original legend, which perhaps was written
in a book, and was therefore necessarily much abridged upon
a clay tablet. What follows next, concerning the Genius
Anunnak, is obscure to me. But he is.a personage often men-
tioned elsewhere. The words of the text seem to describe
some showy final scene, as if the legend were to be acted in
some temple — a kind of Mu-acle Play.

29. The Lord of Hades opened his mouth and spoke,

30. And said to Namtar his messenger,

31. Go, Namtar! hasten to the Temple of Justice,

32. Adorn the pedestals? of the statues?

33. Bring out Anunnak ! seat him on a golden throne !

34. Pour out for Ishtar the waters of Life, and let her take

them !

186 The Legend of Ishtar descending to Hades,

35. Namtar went, and hastened to the Temple of Justice,

36. He adorned the pedestals ? of the statues?

37. He brought out Anunnak; on a golden throne he seated

him ;

38. He poured out for Ishtar the waters of Life, and she took

them.

39. Then the fii*st gate let her forth, and restored to her —

the necklace of her neck.

40. The second gate let her forth, and restored to her —

the diamonds of her hands and feet.

41. The third gate let her forth, and restored to her —

the jewelled gu-dle of her waist.

42. The fourth gate let her forth, and restored to her —

the small lovely gems of her forehead.

43. The fifth gate let her forth, and restored to her —

the precious stones of her head.

44. The sixth gate let her forth, and restored to her —

the earrings of her ears.

45. The seventh gate let her forth, and restored to her —

the great Crown on her head.

46. The payment paid for her liberation say not ! conceal it

until ( )

47. To Tarzi the little black man

48. The finest liquors : horses ? excellent

Lines 49, 50, 51, 52, are omitted as obscm-e. They relate
to jewels presented in gratitude to the god >->?- *-<
who I believe was the same as Hea. Probably
>->?- >— < only means " the great god."

53. Perforate a row of Pearls, to invest the god >-< with a

necklace

54. Bhds'-eye stones (? pearls) from

55. In one row thou wilt not be able to string them [i.e. fro)ii

their numher~\.
A further gift of jewels and slaves ? comprised in three
lines, 56, 57, 58, concludes the inscription.

Tlie Legend of Islitar descendinrj to Hades. 187

Appendix.

Containing the Ouneiform text, ivith notes and observations.

LINE

Ana mat ( ) l?akkari

To the kind of Hades, of the earth the ( )

^- --IVT -^t- -f «< -IT!^--n^I?f V

Islitar binat Sin uzun-slia

Ishtar daughter of the god Sin her mind directed '?

3. ^yy ^f ^«yiT ey ^j tv -+ <« . ^ yyy^ -^yy ty??

ishkun-ma binat Sin uzun-sha

and fixed the daughter of Sin her mind

4. y? ^y tyyyy ^]H]^ ty? . jy^ ^Hl c^ . . . .

ana bit edie subat ili ir(ziti)

To the house of eternity, the dwelling of the god of the Earth

^- T? -^T tTITT "glT -Tf -TT<T ^- 1 . -£T T? t-^ I

ana bit sha eribu-su la atzu-su

to the house of entering but not departing

6. y? --y A^ &n ^ %]] ]\ -jn t^yyy v .

ana kliarrani sha alakta-sha

to the road of ffoing

-£T t^TTT !? Tr «MT<T '-T< W)

la tayarti-slia
but not returning

188 The Le<jend of Jshtar descending to Hades.

"^•' !? -^! -im "giT ^T? -iM^^'i . -■^n t^in -^ ^^iii^

ana bit sha eribu's zummu

to the house of darhness famine

Notes. ^ Line 2. Uzun^ the Mind : or the thougiits of the
mind. This is a common word, but translators have
confused it "udth Uzun, the Ear (plu. uzni), which is a
very different word, though spelt the same.

Line 4. Edie, Eternity. Heb. '^^,

Line 5. Ui-ib to enter, and Atzu to depart from, are two
words constantly opposed to each other. When used
of the Sun they mean his setting and his i-i-'dng. They
are the Heb. 21J^ and ^^^'^. But as the setting of
the Sun produces darkness, hence the word Urib has
acquired the secondary sense of ' darkness.'

I think it probable that the Greeks borrowed the
three names of Erebus, Hades, and Acheron from the
nations of the East. We see that Hades was called
in Assyrian '^"Ti^ Jl^^ Bit Edi or Hadi, ' the house of
Eternity.' The usual etymology (quasi A-lhr]s invisible)
is quite permissible, but it may be an after-thought
for the sake of explaining the name.

Again we see, especially in line 7, that Hades is
called in Assyrian U^l^'^'^i^ r\^2 Bit Eribus, which has
passed into the Greek name Epe0os.

Again : Acheron is evidently the Hebrew iT^H^^ the
AVest, because since the Sun ends his career in the
West, the West was accounted by the ancients the
abode of departed spirits. And so also the Egyptian
Anienti signified the West. Another meaning of the
Hebrew p'lnt^ "^vas ultimus, jwstremns.

To these I would add the name of Airojx)s (one of
the Eates) which I conjecture was originally a name
for Hades, meaning (as in Assyrian) "without return.'"

' I have made no note on those words, which arc the great majority, which
appear to ine to have been already sufficiently well established.

The Legend of Ishtar descending to Hades. 189

LINE

asliar bubut-zun

lohere earth to their hunger

akal-sun dit

(is) their food miserable :

Nuru val immaru as ethuti ....

Light not is seen : in darkness [they dwell?)

'»■ -IT? JT £T <^TT ^T t-^ -TT<I . t^S^ ^ . . . .

Kalsum kima izznri zubat ....

Bats like birds their dwelling (^niahe)

n. <-tId ^] -VV < ^T -\\^ -<^ . V ^.^^ AHflf

eli clalti w sakkul ? sabukh

over the gate and door-posts ? branches

Idl^JII

ibru
have groivn over them.

Notes. — Line 8. Bubut famine : emptiness : occurs fre-
quently. From m vacuus. ^T^ ^^^f may be
from root mi? '^11 msBstus, miser. Sch. ^IT as an
epithet of 'food' means 'repulsive.' Gesenius.

Line 9. Ethuti darkness, is Arab. T\1^V texit, velavit,
abscondit, Sch.

Line 10. Kalsum, probably for Karsum ' bats,' dimin.
karsntina i^y'H^'y'J vespertilio. Sch.

Line 11. Sabukh Syr. py^ 'a branch.' Ibru Heb. ri"lD
'crevit': or ratlier perhaps it is a conjugation of the
root "^^i^ and means to grow over, and conceal.

190 Tlie Legend of Ishtar descending to Hades.

LINK

Ishtar ana bab as

Ishtar at the gate of Hades on

kasadi-sha
her arrival

13. y? ^1 e:;;^ Cff: ^^ --! !? ^ . I? ET ^Ie

ana nigab babi amatu

to the keeper of the gate a speech

izzakkar
she spoke

Nigab sibi pita bab-ka

0 Keeper of the place, open thy gate

'5- ^y ^ITT !? --T -^T -'U £T . IeU ^Jn -^T

pita bab-ka ma, lu-ruba

open thy gate {I say) again, that enter it

anaku
/ may !

Summa : la tapatta bdbu

The penalty : if not thou opjenest the gate,

la imiba anaku,

and not shall enter I,

The Legend of Ishtar descending to Hades. 191

17- }} -Bll }}< <

amakkbaz
/ tvill assault

asabbir
/ loill break :

-!T<T ^lE . II Igf ^jn

daltu sikliuru

the door, the gate

amakkliaz
I icill assault

=TT HJ V- EI .

sibbu-nia
the entrance.

mituti
loith death

akali
the food

m^ V -^K ^III ^T ►T<T^ V-

usabalkat

/ loill sjylit open the portals.

usilla
/ loill corrupt

>~^Y mil ^y<

bulthuti.
of life.

eli bulthuti

instead of life

mituti
to death.

Notes. — Line 17. Amakkhaz, future of vri?:^ percussit.

Asabbir, fut. of "^y^ fi'egit.
Line 18. iz^ *"y^y'^ is the usual Accadian term for a door

or gate.
Line 19. Usilla. Ai'ab. 7D tabes : phthisis, (Schindler).
Line 20. hnahidu. Heb. "FJ^^ mutavit.

<T< . -E ET A->f '^

imahidu
they shall be changed

192 Tlie Legend of Ishtar descending to Hades.

LINE

21. E^ Cfr t'^ !3t TM . -E ^- 5^T ET tE e'^ t^

Nigab pa-su ibus-ma igabbi,

The 2^orter Ms mouth opened and spol-e,

22. ^] f £< ►-H E^n . Tl ^I EI- -;<!< -+ ^IT ►►-

izzakkar ana rabti Islitur,

and said to the great Ishtar,

23. ^t -]Y^ -]Y^ -< t^-^ITI -^T< . -^T

Iziz Bilti la

Be of good cheer, Ladi/, do not

tanadassi
distress thyself !

2^- m <tl^ IH -^<IEI M VH :?f . T? ^T

lullik mukilu saniii ana

/ icill go to open this for

sarrati ili rabi

the Queen of the gods great.

25. tt? ^jn ^ trm El E:S 5S: t*^ .

erumnia nigab

entered the porter

^T t^< -cid e::IT

izzakkar

and spohe

26. ^jf-Cf^-EEi Ktr, n ??< f rin <iEj -f j:^ir-.

annitu sibi akhamu ki Is! i tar.

Tins is the place, take care to thyself Ishtar I
\several words loi<f'\

Tlie Legend of Ishtar descending to Hades. 193

Notes. — Line 23. Iziz, from root Ziz, to be strong, firm,
fixed, or steadfast. This root is a great favomite
with the Assyrians. Heb. tti^ fortis friit : firmus ftiit.
Tanadassi for tanadd-si. Root 113 nud or nad ' agitavit.'

Line 24. Muhilu: root ^7^ to open.

Line 26. ^4Ma?n?<, take care ! Chald. ^5?2n 'cavit.' Or, it
may perhaps mean "Make haste!" from khamish
'haste.' In that case we must transliterate it Akha-
mish.

IINE

2T. -^o-m V ^n-^T? £i-T^

Nukirtu sha kippi rabi

a Cavern of rocks great [^several icords lost'\

28. .jf- ^.ty <]gf^y< .>f :„: jtyyy

Nin kiti annita

The Lord of the Earth these things [^severed ivords lost^

29. <iEy ty t^<^^]-i^]}^m

kima nikish isbi eru(ki)

as it loere a cut-off herb green [several ivords lost\

30. <iEjEy 7<v m^^^.-]-m<]

kima sapat kunini isli

as it were a rod 'protecting of a tree \xvords lost\

n. <ct >;^I ]} ^TTT --T ^^ -El -+ ^ .

mina libba nplanni

a protection for life I hriiig them

mina kabta

a protection very great.

Notes. — Line 27. Ahikirtu a Cavern. 1p3 bnt in Chald.
'^'^p'2 caverna, spelunca. Sch. p. 1163.

Kippi, rocks. Heb. D13 petra : rupes : whence
Cephas for Peter, in the gospels.
Vol. II. 13

194 The Legend of Ishtar descending to Hades.

Line 29. Ishi. Heb. IIZ^J? herba. This word occurs in
a tribute paid to Sargina by Ithamar king of the
Sabeeans. See my Glossary No. 115. Oppert's
Kliorsabad inscriptions 3, 27, and his Commentary,
p. 78. The Chaldee is t^nU^jr.— ^r«/i p^i^** viridis.

Line 30. Sliapat. Heb. lOlUT virga.

Kiinini 'protecting' from 3];j protexit.

Isli. Heb. h'^'^ arbor ; or rather Arab. ■'IJh^ arbor.

Line 31. Mind occurs several times on the tablets, in the
sense of remedy :■ jyrotectioii : antidote.

LINE

32. ^>f cf^^Kl T- tn . T? ^IM Skl-T< • • • •

annitu sibi, anaku itti

tJiis is the place, I loith (thee) ....

kima akalim kima kasim mie

as it zcere food eatable, as it icere cups of ivate?:

Lines 34, 35, 36, are omitted, being much broken ; they

appear to mean, " The shades of those who did evil

on earth, men, women, and childi'en, this is their food."

Tlie transition now to line 37 is so rapid that I think

part of the original legend must have been omitted.

Alik Nigab pitassi

go gate-keeper open for her

bab-ka

thy gate !

uppis -si-ma kima panuini

hut divest her of her high Croion of jewels

labiruti
ancient.

The JLegend of Ishtar descending to Hades.

195

Notes. — Line 37. Pita open : pita-si ' open for her.' But
the pronouns being not accented, a strong accent is
thrown on the preceding syllable : Hence pitassi.

Line 38. Uppis is, I thuik, the Heb. 'C^QH ' denudavit
vestem.'

Pannini, jewels. D^i^^Q gemmce. Sch. p. 1451.
Kima is the Syriac b^^"ip erectio, from 7y\p erectus,
elatus, vel elevatus fuit. I have not met with the
word elsewhere, with certainty. It is spelt the same
as the common adverb kima 'quasi.' "Remove her
kima of ancient jewels !" her lofty head-dress.

39.

iiiik

2cent

--r «i I

bab-su
his gate.

nigab
the keeper

z'-^

fcU

iptassi
(cind) opened for her

40.

irbi
excuse it,

Bilti
Lady !

>-<

►^ Tf

tik

gaba

Ci'own

lofty

thine

Hsak(kal)
if I remove !

41,

Bit rabu
that the King

of Hades

likhidu
may rejoice

as
in

^^ <.

pani ki

meeting thee !

Notes. — Line 40. IrU. See note to line 44.

Tik, the head : crown of the head : Crown. This is
a very common word. Guha ' lofty,' is the Heb. "2!^
altitudo, eminentia. Hence Tig-gaba, lofty crown, or

196 The Legend of Ishtar descending to Hades.

headdress. At first I mistook the meaning of this Hne,
and rendered it "Lady of Tiggcdja city," supposing
that she might have been reverenced in that very
celebrated city. But the contrary is the case. The
city Tiggaba was so named from its 'lofty head,'
I'.g., its lofty central tower, or Acropolis.

Lisakkal, from 7^12? ' privare ' to deprive : as, a tree
of its fruit, &c. Sell. p. 185-4.

Bit Rahn, J^TYTT ^T»^ does not mean in this passage
the King's Palace, but evidently the King himself.
This remark is important. Many of the great inscrip-
tions begin ('as hitherto translated), " Palace of Sargina,
the great king, the king of Assyria, &c.," where the
word Palace seems out of place, since no mtn-e is said
about it. But the true translation of ^yTTf ^J*^ in
such passages is ' Sultan ' or ' supreme rtder.' This is
confirmed by the fact that instead of f^Tyfy ^Y*- we
sometimes find V" Sad, a well-known term for King
or Lord (Heb. 1)^) but which does not mean a Palace.
In the same manner the Sultan of Turkey is now
called " la Sublime Porte," and I understand that the
celebrated Egyptian scholar de Rouge has lately
ascertained that the much disputed title Pharaoh
signifies " the great House," Phe-raah, having found
it so written in the hieroglyphic character.

LINE

Istin bab userib-si-ma umtat-si:

The first gate adndtted leer, and stopped her :

^T t^ITT -^T'^ eJIIeT eT- T? "gTT

ittabul ]\Iir raba sha

ivas taken off the Croum great of

kakkadu-sha.
her head.

Tlie Lietjeiid of Ishtar descending to Hades.

197

Ammini nigab tatbul

Not from me 0 Keeper tahe off

Mir raba sha kakkadu-ya

the Crown (jreat of my head !

44.

Irbi Bilti! slia Nin kiti
Excuse it Lady ! for the Lord of the Earth

kiham
demands

pannini-sha
its jewels !

Notes. — Line 42. Erib 'to enter,' wlience Serib 'to cause
to enter ' : ' to admit,' — a very common word.

Umtat. Arab, ilin^ to stop or delay a person,
'moratus est.' Sch.

Line 43. Ammini tatbul, " surely thou art not taking away
from me." This, I think, best expresses the meaning.
Am (Hebrew ^t^) implies negation, though it has
the form of a question. The Lexicons give many
examples. Amm-ini, ' not from me.'

Line 44. L^bi, imperative of the verb t^DI excusare culpam,
condonare peccatum.

Kiham means the decree of a King, or any word
from his lips, solemnly spoken. It is I think never
used, except when a King speaks. In the Behistun
inscription it occurs many times : '' Darius sar kiham
igabbi."

The passage of Ishtar through the other six gates
is expressed in the same words. It will therefore only
be necessary to give the names of the various jewels
which she loses.

198 Tlte Legend of Ishtar descending to Hades.

Inzabati slia uzni-sha

The earrings of her ears.

in. i^} ^?A H V 4^ V

slia tik-slia

the 2))'ecious stones of her head.

IV. Eif <yrif= ^y 's^I V -■'^ V

cludiiiati slia gab-slia

^7i0 small lovely gems of her forehead.

Sibbu taktu slia kabalti-slia

T/ie girdle jewelled of her loaist.

VI. A* T^ Jin V < <eEII V

kharri ? kati-slia u sepi-slia

the gold rings of her hands and her feet.

VII. jv^ ^ ^i^y^ ^y< V --II ^^III -IM ^

Subibulti ska tzuri-sha

the necklace of her neck.

Notes. — Inzabati ' earrings.' Heb. ^fi inauris.
Dudinati from "ITT ' to love.'

Suhihulti from 21D 'to encircle': seemsadimiimtive.
Tzuri. Ckald. ^1!^. Heb. "^i^llJ eollum, 'neck.'

LINE

03. ::<yy .^Ey <-y^ .^y ^ t^yyy ty ^j^ ^yy

istullaim mnma Ishtar

after that mother Ishtar

T?-^T x^T^HIA ^Illt -IM t^T

ana ( ) iiridii

to Hades had descended.

The Leijotd of fshtar descending to Hades. 199

LINE

Nin ki galli imur-si-ma

The Lord of Hades saio her, and

as pani-sha iraliub

towards her came eagerly.

05. ^tm <^R A4f £1 Iiy . ^1? -££!<! ^ 50f V

Ishtar val immata's eliuussa

Ishtar not moved herself hy herself

usbi
she sat

66. .jp^.£y <;^Ey. -^ y? y . ^ E ^^ 5;^! gy

Nin ki galli pa-slia ibus-ma

The Lord of Hades his mouth opened

>^iz >-^<^ >~<

igabbi
and said:

67. yf ^y ^^ .y<y'^ ^ ^ yyy< v . Tf ET jSTTT

ana Namtar .... sha amata

to Namtar his messenger, a loord

izzakkar
he sjyoke

Alik Namtar

go Namtar [the rest of Col. I is greatly damaged^.

200 Tlie Legend of Islitar descending to Hades.

Notes. — Line 64. Trahuh. Heb. Ij;"^ avidus fnit : qua?sivit.
Line 65, Immata-sa, 'she moved herself : from lleb. TIQ
* movit.'

Column IL

1. ..+ ;v ^W ->f I^ £T- T^

( ) ... ili rabi

The divine (....) messenger of the gods great

[Jine 2 is defective']

3- ^.^TT Itl -+ *I -E -^T ^ ->f -f <«

illik Shanias in pan Sin

came the Sun along loith Sin

tET I

abu-su

his father :

tE^T

5^ -Hf-

Y wYVVY ¥Y

^n- - 11 lY

pan

Ilea

sar

along

with

Ilea

the king

illaka sahna (t)

they came to save {her).

Ishtar ana kiti usit val

Ishtar on the ground sat, and not

^t -ET T?

ila.

arorc.

Ihe Legend of Ishtar descending to Hades. 201

LINE

6. <^T^ ^E£T <^T^ ^ET '^ ^tm ET ►+ t^TT --

iiltuUanu nmma Ishtar

from the time that mother Ishtar

ana ( ) uridii

to Hades descended.

7. n -^I EV ^T< ^T^ <^T^ >=£ -^}t]}}} 4i • • ■

ana burtiga val isukklii

to (,....) not she spoke.

(lines 7, 8, 9, 10, are very ohscure)

Hea as imki libbi-su

Hea in the depth of his mind

ibtanikhru
determined {what to do)

1^- Idl Js: ET T ^T ^I JT -^T mm e:™

ibni-nia ana uddu-su namii- amiln

and he formed for her escape a pjhantom of a inan

^S^ <« ^

assinnu ,

hlach.

Notes. — Line 5. Usit. ilti> posuit. riti?' sedes. Sch. p. 1834.

lid llh^ to rise.
Line 11. Imki Heb. pf2^ deep: profound: whence m'ww'^i

deep : mysterious. Hea Bil nimiki.

Ibtanikhrii, tatc conjugation of IIID, consideravit,

elegit.

202 The Legend of hldav dewending to Hades.

Line 12. Namir eiSwXov, apliantom, from root ?j?m- tSetv 'to

see,' passive namir to be seen; to appear; to be \asible.

Assinnu Heb. )^i^ black or dark. llU-^t^ nigredo

obscuritas. Sch. He is called iii line 47 Khamir

Heb. 'i")On fnscns, nigricans, subniger.

LINE

alka ana uddu-su Namir ! ina

go to her rescue Phantom ! at

^x^, x^r?^E^nAT{ JT-i^-m ^^-^u

babi ( ) sukmi pani-ka

the portal of Hades present thy face.

14. j|; s.^j \^ ^ HT4 T? M\- ^Vi )

Sibitti babi ( ) lippi (ta)

The seven gates of Hades roill open

in pani-ka.

before thee.

Niri ki galli Jimur-ka-mg,

The Lord of Hades ivill see thee, and

^E-^y ^^^tU -EET<T4->ffl=^T

in pani-ka likhidu.

at thy appearance ivill he pleased.

valtu liljba-sha innkklm

Wlini her mind shall be grown calm,

-Til t^ .?s Idl ^T- ^JII ^T <

kabat-sa ippisiddii

(and) her anger shall be tcorn ojj'

The Legend of Ishtar descending to Hades. 203

LINES

tummi-si-ma mu ili rabi

give her to drink the liquor of the greed gods

sukiii sakri-ka, ana zukal

prepare thy magic ! on skilful

zikin uzna sukxiii

tricks thy mind fix !

Notes. — Line 16. Ippisiddu, root tOUJ'D exuit, detraxit.
Line 17. Tummi, DX^IO gustare. Mu 'liquor' is a word
frequently found on the tablets. The plural is 3fie
Heb. '^72, or 72'^f2- The Hebrew wants the smgular,
the Chaldee has it, in the form ^'l^,
Line 18. Sukin is the imperative of the verb HOp paravit,
or rather of its S conjugation Jlipt^^. The Assyrian
admits an S conjugation of almost every verb, and
prefers to use it in the imperative, when it makes little
difference in the sense, as here : ' 7nake ready ' being
the same as ' prepare.'

Sakri, Arab. "yTlD or "irit^D Magia, illusio, praestigise.
Sch. The word occurs again 1. 28.

Zukal ' deceitful.' Chald. and Syr. ^y\ mendax ;
fallax. The "T in Chaldee often replaces the Hebrew T,
as ^^1 for nt ha3C : hoc. (Gesen,) Zukal zikin, deceitful
tricks.

Zikin, plural of Ziku. Heb. pTO lusus, illusio.
Uzna, ' the mind ' : same as ilzuu : see Col. I. line 2.

19.

ebilti zukal

the chiefest deceitful

nuni mie as libln lultati.

fishes of the loaters from oid of an empty place.

204 The Leijoul of hhtar dcscenduuj to Hades.

Notes. — Ehilti. This word occurs not nnfi-equeiitly. It
is placed by a graimnatical tablet among the forms of
the word Bil, a Chief: see my Glossary, No. 320. The
initial vowel makes this remarkable. The tablet in
question will be found in 2 R 36, (31. The word is
there wi'itten ^\] ^JJ ^^^j Ebiltu.

Lat is the imperative of the Heb. verb 17^ to
produce : or bring forth. This verb is often used
metaphorically, ex. gr. Proverbs xx\di, 1. " Thou
knowest not what a day may bring forth" (TT'^).
Hence Lattuti ' childi'en.'

Lultati. Lul is Hal id 7l7n inanif; : vacuus. Sch.
p. 573. I have translated it in a general w^ay ' empty
•placed But I suspect that the true meaning is given
by Schindler in the same page : the Rabbinic word
7T'n rentrieuhis. It is a very common trick of jugglers
to produce immense quantities of things from the
mouth, which they pretend to have swallowed. If
living fishes appeared among these, it would not
exceed what the Indian jugglers are capable of doing
at the present day. If this legend of Ishtar was, as
I have conjectured, a Mu-acle Play, it is evident that
an interlude of juggling tricks may have greatly
amused the audience. One only is recounted here for
want of space. Concerning 77n in the sense of
venter, see Buxtorf s great work, pp. 7G5, 766.

LINE

,0. .+ tvet <^ ty -+ Eff !£Tn - ^^ <tt w

Nin ki galli annita as semi-sha

The Lord of Hades this thing ichile he is stupijied at it

takashur slia, tassuka

Restore her ornaments, (and) return

uban-sha
her Crorcn I

Tlie Legend of hlitar descendbnj to Hades.

205

Notes. — Line 20. Semi. Heb, ^^tl? attonitus fuit : miratus
est : obstupuit.

Line 21. Takashur-sha, ' return her ornaments,' root "^^^p
Sch. 1668. D"^1iyp 'ornamenta qua3 capiti, collo, aut
pectori alligantur.' See Jeremiah ch. ii, " a virgin will
not forget her adornment, nor a bride her '^"^\Z>p."
Tassuka, ' restore ' : root ^'TC^ or ^1D retrocessit.
Uban frequently signifies ' the summit ' in Assyrian
and it may here mean the high crown she wore on
her head.

^T ^t}}]}

5=1

titar

sha

A reioard

for

22.

la itallini

not shall fail.

alka ana

go to

-+ ^ ^I

annie

this

rishtu

vei'y great

uddu-su
rescue her

Namir
Phantom !

lu-zirka

=T KIT ET- T?

isra raba

{and) if thou dost liherate the Queen great,

Notes. — Line 22. Titar. Payment. Reward, from IJlD
solvit.

Itallim ' shall fail ' : root ?27tD ' defraudavit.'
Line 23. Zirka. Arab. HID ' libera vit a catenis.'

Isra Queen : fem. of Isru a Kmg. Heb. "^^i^
imperium.

24. V 1^ tf ^^y H< ^-yy jgj y} ^yy? ^t-U

Akali ( ) Ali lu-akal-ka

Meats the first of the cit}j shall he thy food!

200 Tlie JjCgend of Ishiar descending to Hades.

IIXE

karpati kliababat AH lu-maltit-ka

loine-flaggons the delight of the city shall he thy drinh I

Izmi Duri lu-manzaz-ka

(^0 he) the Ruler of a Palace shall be thy rank !

Azdupatu lu-musliabii-ka

a chair of state ? shall he thy seat !

28.

Sakru u zamu usiklia

Magician and Conjuror shall how down

tVgE ^EET<T ^T -^H

tzulit-ka
to thy authority.

Notes. — Line 24, ^ often means ' food ' on the tablets.

Line 25. >^'\i: Karpat a flaggon, holding some precious
liquor, is also fi'equent. Ex. Mie sunuti ana karpati
tar-ma^ ' Return these liquors into the vessel.'

KJiahahat ' delicise ' from Hn. Or, the choicest of
the Gity, fi'om hhahih ' electus.' I have changed
>-^y into *">i^y believmg it to be a mistake, the signs
being so very similar.

Maltit, for Mastit ' di'ink.' The Assyrian very fre-
quently changes S into L. Mastit is the Heb. riHIi^D
' cb'ink,' used in Daniel, Esther, and Ezra : root njlU?
to drink.

Line 26. Jzmi is often used for a Ruler, and even a King.
See my Glossary No. 210, where f:Y ^^C^ varies to
>-YYYY Rahu (King) in the name of the siune Ei^on^nm.
It properly means " Power " from Heb. T2!^i?.

Manzaz Standing, Station, Rank ; a very common
word.

The Legend of Islitar descending to Hades.

207

Line 27. Mushahu 'seat': fi-om Heb. Iti^^i 'to sit.' In these
four lines, 24 to 27, the particle ^]J lu has the force
of ' shall be ' or ' will be,' or of the Latin sit ! or
vtinani sit I
Line 28. Sakru, Magician : 'yVlD Magus, Prasstigiator.
See line 18.

Zamii, Conjuror ? from root t2fyt to devise plots :
to contrive cunningly.

Usikha, root niltZ^ to fall prostrate. Frequent in
Hebrew and Assyrian.

Tzulit, authority : protection. Properly ' shadow,'
from 7^ which the Hebrew scriptures also use in the
sense of 2^^'otectio)i. Tutelar prassidium. (Gesen.)

Nin ki-galli pa-sha ibus

The Lord of Hades his mouth opened

:T J^^BJ^-^

ma
and

igabbi,

said

30. ij ^y .jp .y<y^ ^ tyyy< v ]) t] ^!TT

ana Namtar . . . sha amata

to Namtar his onessenger a icord

izzakkar
he spoke,

alik Namtar ! makhash hekal

go Namtar I hasten to the palace

gina
of justice.

208 The Legend of Islitar descending to Hades.

LIXE

Ilu uzahiii

The adorn

sha ( )

of the

Animnaki suza in

Anunnaki hring out ! on

s^Tt^^n <}}-\\A JIT-

guza kliurassi susib

a throne of gold seat him !

34. .-yvi ]] W ^V -El "^11 triT< <I- El

Ishtar mie tila ziilukli-si-ma

hhtar^ the icaters of life pour out for her I

-EEM ^I gE <I- (....) ^IM^EI?

likas-si

let her take them

Notes. — Line 31. Mahhash. Mahliash seems the Rabbinic

11^'^n^ festinans, making haste : from Heb. 117^11 or

•^Z^T? festinavit: properavit.

Gina, justice. The tablets explain gina by hitti

(justice).
Line 32. The stones ilu are very often mentioned, but the

meaning has not yet been ascertained.
Line 34. Zuluhh. Syr. n7t 'to pour': see my Glossary,

No. 484.

Likassi for likd-si ' let her receive it.' Heb. 'H'ph

'to receive,' ex.gr. liki unnini-ya, 'receive my prayers.'

See my Glossary, No. 37 i).

The Lerjend of Ishtar descendhuj to Hades. 209

LINE

illik Namtar imkliash

^oent Namtar {and) hastened to

liekal gina

the 2^<^^<^ic& of justice,

s«- :^i} ^BMh- -ITT- ?? A-f -E -^T

Ilu uzaliin

^/ie (....) he adorned

'mi

sha

37. ^^ If .yyyy -^y <iEy ^yyy^ *^ f{ y? ^

Anunnaki usezti as

Anunnak he brought out, on

-Tt^^}? <I?-TTA tTTT-;^T-

guza . kliurassi iisesib

a throne of gold he seated hhn :

38. .4- !:iyy -^ y{ y^ wy< .gy ^ y cyyy< <y. ty

Ishtar mie tila izlukh-si-ma

Ishtar the tcaters of life he poured out for her

^^yy^ySE<T-

ilkassi
{ciiid) she took them.

The preceding Imes oifer an instructive comparison
between the imperative and the preterite of several
verbs. Alik — illik 'to go.' makhash — imkhash 'to hasten.'
suzd — usezd ' to bring out.' susib — usesib ' to seat.'
Vol. II. 14

210 The ]jegend of Ishfav descmdhiij to Hades.

zulukli — izluhh 'to pour out.' Ukd — ilkd 'to receive.'
While the verb uzahin undergoes no change in those
two tenses.

LINE

istin bab usetsi-si-ma uttir-si

the first gate let her forth^ and restored to her

iV^^-H^^T< V --II ^:TTT -TH V

subibulti sha tzuri-sha

the necklace of her neck.

Note. — Her passage through the six other gates is de-
scribed in the same words. She receives back her
jewels in the reverse order in M'hich she lost them. Two
of them, however, are named differently from before.
We find "j^S ^TTT^T Semir ' diamonds ' instead of
■<^^ y*^^ golden rings (of her hands and feet).
And 11 ^jt^ ^ -%'f ' Crown ' is written instead of
^TTTBT Mir. The latter is no doubt the celebrated
Mirpa of the Persians, (the Uepaat atoXo/xcTpai).
Mitra became Mir, as -pater ' pere,' mater ' mere,
f rater, 'frere': and the god Mitlira, in Persian Mihr
' the Sun.'

40. ^5^ El -) <T* -TI<T V -ET !£TII ^£I <I*

Summa nap

diri-sha la

taddi

The price of her

liberation not

say !

-^-m -^ E"

I?-^I V----

nakkan-ma

ana sha ....

bat conceal it

nntil ....

ana Tarzi khamir tsikhru

to Tarzi the black man S)nall

The Legend of Ishtar descending to Hades. 211

Mie illuti rammikni

TAqnors edxellent, horses

^ m^

kliig'a
good

Notes. — Line 46. Summa is the penalty paid for a crime :
or the price paid for a benefit. From sim ' price.'

Napdiri liberation : from p)adar to liberate. Cliald.

Taddl, say ! from i^T^ ' emisit vocem ' : ' fassus

est.' Sch. p. 737.
Line 47. Khamir. Heb. 'I'^tin fuscus, nigricans, subniger,

in line 12 of Col. 11 called assinni.
Line 48. rammihii Heb. ^'Cr\ equus.
Lines 49-52 are omitted, being of uncertain meaning.

ikkab akhi slia ursim takhasli

perfoTcde a roiv of pearls ? for the dress

>->^ >-<

of the great god,

abni slia izzari lapan

stones (^called) " ei/es of birds " from

aklii edu la takhabbil anni

In a row single not thou ivilt comiect them.

Notes. — Line 53. lkkcd>, imperative of Heb. Dpi to pei-
forate.

212 Tlie Legend of fshtar descendinr/ to Hades.

Akhi, a row, or connected series : properly ' a
brotlierliood,' from Heb. H^^ frater.

Ursim, Q'^tli^ monilia (beads) Scli. p. 118 or 652
Q"^Tin margaritse perforata et filo copulatae, &c.
Line 54. 'Birds' ejes.' This kind of precious stone is

mentioned in 2 R 40, see my Glossary, No. 11.
Line 55. tal-hahhil ; from Heb. 7in alligavit, colligavit.

The three remaining lines are of uncertain meaning.
I notice the word *-Ty"^ '^>- -il^u ' a gift.' See my
Glossary, No. 477.

^ Li line 4 of the inscription Hades is called 1^; TS'^I,
In the book of Job xxx, 23, it is called li^lT^ JT^l.
to which are added the words '■for all living.^ Com-
mentators say this means 'the house of assemhly for
all living,' from a root TH'^ to assemble.

^ In the note to line 19 of Col. 2 I explamed lidtati
' cavitas ' as probably meaning ' venter,' according to
a Rabbuiic usage of the word. But I omitted to
adduce as an additional argument the precisely similar
usage of the Greek KoCKia.

IF In Column I, line 26, I ought to have translated Ahamu
ki Isldar, " I will protect thee, Ishtar ! " coiTCsponding
to line 32 Anaku itti ka, "I will go with thee!"
Ahamu from H^H to protect. See Furst, p. 456.
Arab. U»- liama. Catafago p. 89 gives hami protector,
defender.

218

THE CHALDEAN ACCOUNT OF THE DELUGE.

By George Smith.

Read ^rd Decemler, 1872.

A SHORT time back I discovered among the Assyrian tablets
in the British Museum, an account of the flood ; which, under
the advice of our President, I noTV bring before the Society.

For convenience of working, I had divided the collection
of Assyrian tablets in the British Museum into sections,
according to the subject-matter of the inscriptions

I have recently been examining the division comprising
the Mythological and Mythical tablets, and from this section
1 obtained a number of tablets, giving a curious series of
legends and including a copy of the story of the Flood. On
discovering these documents, which were much mutilated, I
searched over all the collections of fragments of inscriptions,
consisting of several thousands of smaller pieces, and ulti-
mately recovered 80 fragments of these legends ; by the aid
of which I was enabled to restore nearly all the text of the
description of the Flood, and considerable portions of the
other legends. These tablets were originally at least twelve
in number, forming one story or set of legends, the account
of the Flood being on the eleventh tablet.

Of the inscription describing the Flood, there are frag-
ments of three copies containing the same texts ; these copies
belong to the time of Assurbanipal, or about 660 years before
the Christian era, and they were found in the library of that
monarch in the palace at Nineveh.

The original text, according to the statements on the
tablets, must have belonged to the city of Erech, and it
appears to have been either written m, or translated into the

214 The Chaldean Account of the Deluge.

Semitic Babylonian, at a veiy early period. The date wlien
tliis document was first written or translated, is at present
very difficult to decide, but the following are some of the
evidences of its antiquity : —

1st. The three Assyrian copies present a number of variant
readings, which had crept into the text since the original
documents were written.

2nd. The forms of the characters in the original docu-
ments were of an ancient type, and the Assyrian copyist did
not always know their modern representatives, so he has
left some of them in their orig-inal hieratic form.

3rd. -There are a number of sentences which were origmally
glosses explanatory of the subjects ; before the Assyiian
copies were made these glosses had been already incorporated
in the text and their original use lost.

It must here be noted that the Assyrian scribe has
recorded for us the divisions of the lines on the original
documents.

On examining the composition of the text, some marked
peculiarities are apparent, which likewise show its high
antiquity. One of these is the constant use of the personal
pronoun nominative. In later times this was usually indi-
cated by the verbal form, but not expressed. On comparing
the Deluge text with dated texts from the time of Sargon I,
it appears to be older than these, and its original composition
cannot be placed later than the seventeenth century before
the Christian era ; while it may be much older. The text
itself professes to belong to the time of a monarch whose
name, written in monograms, I am unable to read phonetically,
I therefore provisionally call him by the ordinary values of
the signs of his name, Izdubar.

Izdubar, from the description of liis reign, evidently
belonged to the Mythical period ; the legends given in
these tablets, the offer of marriage made to him by the
goddess Ishtar, the monsters living at the time, Izdubar's
vision of the gods, his journey to tlie translated Sisit,
with a cm'ious account of a mythical conquest of Erech
when the gods and spirits inhabiting that city, changed
themselves mto animals to escape the fury of the conqueror :

The Chaldean Account of the Deluge. 215

all these things and many others show the imhistorical
nature of the epoch. From the heading of the tablets giving
his history, I suppose that Izdubar Hved in the epoch imme-
diately following the Flood, and I think, likewise, that he
may have been the founder of the Babylonian monarchy,
perhaps the Nimrod of Scripture. This, however, is pure
conjecture; so many fabulous stories were current in Baby-
lonia respectmg Izdubar, that his existence may even be
doubted. The fragments of the history of Izdubar, so far as
I have at present examined them, remind me of the exploits
and labours of Hercules, and, on the supposition that our
present version of Berosus is correct as to dates, Izdubar
may have been placed about 30,000 years before the Christian
era. No document can belong to so remote an age. The
legends of Izdubar and the account of the Flood must how-
ever belong to a very early period, for there are references
to the story in the bilingual lists which were composed in
Babylonia during the early Chaldean empires.

The question might here be asked, " How is it that we
find an early Chaldean document from Erech transported to
Nineveh, copied, and placed in the royal library there ? " On
this point we can show that it Avas a common custoui for the
Assyrians to obtain and copy Babylonian works, and a con-
siderable portion of Assjm'ian literature consists of these
copies of older standard writings.

Assurbanipal, the Assyrian monarch in whose reign the
Deluge Tablets were copied, had intimate relations w4th the
city of Erech. Erech remained faithful to him when the rest
of Babylonia revolted, and to this city Assurbanipal restored
the famous image of the goddess Nana, which had been
carried away by the Elamites one thousand six hundred and
thu'ty-five years before.

In order properly to understand the reason why the
narrative of the Flood is introduced into the story, it will be
necessary to give a short account of the tablets which pre-
cede it before giving the translation of the Deluge inscription
itself.

It appears that Izdubar, the hero of these legends
flourished as before stated, in the mythical period soon after

21() The Chaldean Account of the Deluge.

the Flood, and the centre of most of liis exploits was the
city of Erech, now called Wavka, which must have been one
of the most ancient cities in the world. Fonr cities only-
are mentioned m these inscriptions Babel, Erech, Surippak,
and Nipur. Two of these, Babel and Erech, are the first two
capitals of Nimrod, and the last one, Nipur, according to the
Talmud, is the same as Calneli the fourth city of Nimrod. Of
the first five tablets of the history of Izdubar I have not
recognised any fragments, but in the mass of material Avhich
I have collected it is possible that some portions may belong
to this part of the story.

The folloAving passage forms the opening of the sixth
tablet, and shows the style of the writing.

Before givmg the translation I must notice, that in various
places the tablets are broken and the texts defective : as I
cannot point out each of these defective passages, I will
endeavour to indicate them by pausing in my reading.

1 Belesu, he despised Belesu

2. like a bull his country he ascended after him

3. he destroyed him, and liis memorial perished

4. the country was subdued, and after he took the crown

5. Izdubar put on his crown, and after he took the crown

6. for the favour of Izdubar, the princess Lshtar lifted her

eyes.

7. And she spake thus, " Izdubar thou shalt be husband

8. thy word me shall bind in bonds,

9. thou shalt be husband and I will be thy wife,

10. thou shalt drive in a chariot of Ukni stone and gold,

11. of which its body is gold and splendid its pole

12. thou shalt ride in days of great glory

13. to Bitani, in which is the country where the pine trees

grow.

14. Bitani at thy entrance

15. to the Euphrates shall kiss thy feet.

1(3. There shall be in subjection inider thee, kings, lords, and

princes.
17. The tribute of the mountains and plains they shall bring

to thee, taxes

Tlie Chaldean Account of the Deluge. 217

18. they shall give thee, thy herds and flocks shall bring
forth twins

19 the mule shall be swift

20 in the chariot shall be strong and not weak

21 in the yoke. A rival shall not be permitted."

Ishtar, who was the same as Venus, was queen of
beauty, but somewhat inconstant, for she had already a
husband, a deity, called the " Son of Life"; she however led
her husband a poor life, and of this Tzdubar reminds her in
his answer to her offer.

. One of the next exploits of Izdubar and Heabani his
servant was the conquest of the winged bull, a monster
supposed to have existed in those days; but I must pass
over this and other matters, to approach the subject of the
Flood.

In course of time Izdubar, the conqueror of kings and
monsters, the ruler of peoples, fell into some illness and came
to fear death, man's last great enemy. Now, the Babylonians
believed in the existence of a patriarch named Sisit, the
Xisuthrus of the Greeks, who was supposed to have been
translated and to have attained to immortality without death.
Izdubar, according to the notions of the time, resolved to
seek Sisit, to ascertain how he became immortal, that he
might attain to a similar honour. The passage reads as
follows : —

1. Izdubar to Heabani his servant

2. bitterly lamented and lay down on the ground

3. I the account took from Heabani and

4. weakness entered into my soul

5. death I feared and I lay down on the ground
6 to find Sisit son of Ubaratutu

7. the road I was taking and joyfully 1 went

8. to the shadows of the mountains I took at night

9. the gods I saw and I feared
10 to Sin I prayed

11. and before the gods my supplication came

12. peace they gave unto me

13. and they sent unto me a dream.

218 The Chaldean Account of the Deluge.

The dream of Izdubar is unfortunately very mutilated,
few fragments of it remaining", and bis subsequent journey is
not in mueb better condition. It appears tbat he went
tlu'ough a number of adventm-es, and three men are repre-
sented, in one place, to be telling each other the story of
these adventm-es.

After long wandeiings, Izdubar falls into company with a
seaman named Urhamsi, a name similar to the Orchamus of
the Greeks. Izdubar and Urhamsi fit out a vessel to continue
the search for Sisit, and they sail along for a month and
fifteen days, and arrive at some region near the mouth of
the Euphrates, where Sisit was supposed to dwell. In this
journey by water there are fresh adventures and, in their
course, Urhamsi tells Izdubar of the Avaters of death, of
whic'h he states, '" The waters of death thy hands will not
cleanse."

At the time when Izdubar and Urhamsi are approaching
him, Sisit is sleeping. The +ablet here is too mutilated to
inform us how they came t :> see each other, but it appe;!r.=i
probable fi-om the context that Sisit was seen in company with
his wdfe, a long distance ofi", separated from Izdubar by a
stream.

Unable to cross this water which divided the mortal from
the immortal, Izdubar appears to have called to Sisit and
asked his momentous question on life and death. The
question asked by Izdubar and the first part of the answer
of Sisit are lost by the mutilation of the tablet. The latter
part of the speech of Sisit, wliich is preserved, relates to the
danger of death, its universality. &c. It winds up as follows :
" The goddess Mamitu the maker of fate to them their fate
has appointed, she has fixed death and life, but of death the
day is not known."

These words, which close the first speech of Sisit, bring us
to the end of the tenth tablet ; the next one, the eleventh,
is the most important of the series, as it contains the history
of the Flood.

The eleventh tablet opens with a speech of Izdubar, avIio
now asks Sisit how he became immortal, and Sisit, in
answering, relates the stoiy of the Flood and his own piety as

Tlie Chaldean Account of the Deluge. 219

the reasou why he was translated. The following is the
translation of this tablet : —

1. Izdubar after this manner said to Sisit afar off,

2. " Sisit

3. The account do thou tell to rne,

4. The account do thou tell to me,

5 to the midst to make war

(! I come up after thee,

7. say liow thou hast done it, and in the cu'cle of the gods

life thou hast gained."

8. Sisit after this manner said to Izdubar,

9. " I will reveal to thee, Izdubar, the concealed story,

10. and the wisdom of the gods I will relate to thee.

11. The city Sm-ippak the city which thou hast established
placed

12. was ancient, and the gods within it

13. dwelt, a tempest their god, the great gods

14 Ann

15 Bel

1() Ninip

17 lord of Hades

18. then- will revealed in the midst of

19 hearing and he spoke to me thus

20. Surippakite son of Ubaratutu

21. make a great ship for thee

22. I will destroy the sinners and life

23. cause to go in, the seed of life all of it, to preserve them

24. the ship which thou shalt make

25. . . . cubits shall be the measure of its length, and

26. . . . cubits the amount of its breadth and its height.

27. Into the deep launch it."

28. I perceived and said to Hea my lord,

29. " Hea my lord this that thou commandest me

30. I will perform, it shall be done.
31 army and host

32. Hea opened his mouth and spake, and said to me his

servant,
33 thou shalt say unto them,

220 Tlie Chaldean Account of the Delufje.

34 lie has turned from me and

35. fixed

Here tliere are about fifteen fines entirely lost. The absent
passage probably described part of tlie building of the ark.

51. it

b2. which iu

53. strong I brought

54. on the fifth day it

55. iu its circuit 14 measures .... its sides
50. 14 measures it measured .... over it

57. I placed its roof on it I enclosed it

58. I rode in it, for the sixth time I for the seventh

time

59. into the restless deep for the .... time

GO. its planks the waters within it admitted,

CI. I saw breaks and holes my hand placed

()2. three measures of bitumen I poured over the outside,
G3. three measures of bitumen I poured over the inside

64. three measures the men carrjTJig its baskets took

"they fixed an altar

65. I enclosed the altar the altar for an offering

(dQ. two measures the altar Pazziru the pilot

67. for slaughtered oxen

68. of in that day also

69 altar and grapes

70 like the waters of a river and

71 like the day I covered an^

72 when .... coveiing my hand placed,

73 and Shamas .... the material of the ship completed,

74 strong and

75. reeds I spread above and below.
76 went in two thirds of it.

77. All I possessed I collected it, all I possessed I collected

of silver,

78. all I possessed I collected of gold,

79. all I possessed I collected of the seed of life, the whole

80. I caused to go up into the ship, all my male and female

servants,

77<e Chaldean Account of the Deluge 221

81. the beasts of the field, the ammals of the field, and the

sons of the army all of them, I caused to go up.

82. A flood Shamas made, and

83. he spake sajdng in the night, ' I will cause it to rain

from heaven heavily ;

84. enter to the midst of the ship, and shut thy door,'

85. A flood he raised, and

86. he spake saying in the night, ' I ^vill cause it to rain

from heaven heavily.'

87. In the day that I celebrated his festival

88. the day wliich he had appointed ; fear I had,

89. I entered to the midst of the ship, and shut my door;

90. to guide the ship, to Buzursadirabi the pilot,

91. the palace I gave to his hand.

92. The ragmg of a storm in the morning

93. arose, from the horizon of heaven extending and wide

94. Vul in the midst of it thundered, and

95. Nebo and Saruwent in front;

96. the throne bearers went over moimtains and plains;

97. the destroyer Nergal overturned ;

98. Ninip went in front, and cast down ;

99. the spirits carried destruction ;

100. m their glory they swept the earth;

101. of Vul the flood, reached to heaven ;

102. the bright earth to a waste was turned ;

103. the surface of the earth, like .... it swept ;

104. it destroyed all life, from the face of the earth

105. the strong tempest over the people, reached to heaven.

106. Brother saw not liis brother, it did not spare the people.

In heaven

107. the gods feared the tempest, and

108. Sought refuge ; they ascended to the heaven of Ann.

109. The gods, like dogs with tails hidden, couched down.

110. Spake Ishtar a discourse,

111. uttered the great goddess her speech

112. ' The world to sin has turned, and

113. then I in the presence of the gods prophesied evil;

114. when I prophesied in \h.Q presence of the gods evil,

115. to evil were devoted all my people, and I prophesied

222 The Chaldean Account of the JJcluije.

11(3. tlins, " Ihave begotten man and let him not

117. like the sons of the fislies fill the sea.'

118. The gods eoncerning the spirits, were weeping with her :
11 y. the gods in seats, seated in lamentation;

120. covered were their lips for the coming evil.

121. Six days and nights

122. passed, the wind tempest and storm overwhelmed,

123. on the seventh day in its conrse, was calmed the storm,

and all the tempest

124. which had destroyed like an earthqnake,

125. quieted. The sea he cansed to dry, and the wind and

tempest ended.

126. I was carried through the sea. The doer of evil,

127. and the whole of mankind who turned to sin,

128. like reeds their corpses floated.

129. 1 opened the window and the light br )ke in, over my

refuge

130. it passed, I sat still and

131. over my refuge came peace.

132. I was carried over the shore, at the boundary of the sea.

133. For twelve measures it ascended over the land.

134. To the country of Nizir, went the ship ;

135. the mountain of Nizir stopped the ship, and to pass

over it, it was not able.

136. The first day and the second day, the mountain of

Nizir the same.

137. The third day and the fourth day, the mountain of

Nizir the same.

138. The fifth and sixth, the mountain of Nizir the same.

139. On the seventh day in the course of it

140. I sent forth a dove, and it left. The dove went and

searched and

141. a resting place it did not find, and it returned.

142. I s€;nt forth a swallow, and it left. The swallow went

and searched and

143. a resting place it did not find, and it returned.

144. I sent forth a raven, and it left.

145. The raven went, and the corpses on the Avaters it saw,

and

The Chaldean Account of the Deluge. 22'6

14G. it did eat, it swam, and wandered away, and did not
return.

147. I sent the animals fortli to the four winds I poured out

a libation

148. I built an altar on tlie peak of the mountain,

149. by sevens herbs I cut,

150. at the bottom of them, I placed reeds, pines, andsimgar.

151. The gods collected at its burning, the gods collected at

its good burning.

152. the gods like sumbe over the sacrifice gathered,

153. From of old also, the great God in his course,

154. the great brightness of Anu had created ; when the glory

155. of these gods, as of Ukni stone, on my countenance I

could not endure ;

156. in those days I prayed that for ever I might not endure.

157. May the gods come to my altar;

158. may Bel not come to my altar

159. for he did not consider and had made a tempest

160. and my people he had consigned to the deep

161. from of old, also Bel in liis course

162. saw the ship, and ^vent Bel ^dth anger filled to the

gods and spirits ;

163. let not any one come out alive, let not a man be saved

from the deep.

164. Xinip his mouth opened and spake, and said to the

warrior Bel,

165. 'who then mil be saved,' Hea the words understood,

166. and Hea knew all things,

167 Hea liis mouth opened and spake, and said to the
warrior Bel,

168. 'Thou prince of the gods, warrior,

169. when thou art angry a tempest thou makest,

170. the doer of sin did his sin, the doer of evil did his evil,

171. may the exalted not be broken, may the captive not be

delivered ;

172. instead of thee makmg a tempest, may lions increase

and men be reduced ;

173. instead of thee makirig a tempest, may leopards increase,

and men be reduced ;

224 Tlie Chaldean Account of the DcUuje.

174. instead of thee making a tempest, may a fomine happen,

and the country be destroyed ;

175. instead of thee making a tempest, may pestilence in-

crease, and men be destroyed.'
17G. I did not peer into the wisdom of the gods,

177. reverent and attentive a dream they sent, and the

wisdom of the gods he heard.

178. When liis judgment was accompHshed, Bel went up to

the midst of the ship,

179. he took my hand and brought me out, me

180. he brought out, he caused to bring my wife to my side,

181. he purified the country, he established in a covenant

and took the people

182. in the presence of Sisit and the people.

183. When Sisit and his wife and the people to be like the

gods were carried away,

184. then dwelt Sisit in a remote place at the mouth of the

rivers.

185. They took me and in a remote place at the mouth of

the rivers they seated me.

186. When to thee whom the gods have chosen thee, and

187. the life which thou has sought after, thou slialt gain

188. this do, for six days and seven nights

189. hke I say also, in bonds bind Imn

190. the way like a storm shall be laid upon him."

191. Sisit after this manner, said to his wife

192. " I annoimce that the chief who grasps at Kfe

193. the way like a storm shall l^e laid upon him."

194. His -wife after this manner, said to Sisit afar off,

195. " Purify him and let the man be sent away,

196. the road that he came, may he return in peace,

197. the great gate open, and may he return to his country."

198. Sisit after tliis manner, said to his wife,

199. " The cry of a man alarms thee,

200. this do, his scarlet cloth place on his head."

201. And the day when he ascended the side of the ship

202. she did, liis scarlet cloth she placed on his head,

203. and the day when he ascended on tlic side of the ship,
The next four luies describe seven things done to Izdubar

The Chaldean Account of the Deluge. 225

before he was purified. The passage is obscure and does
not concern the Flood, so I have not translated it.

208. Izdubar after this manner, said to Sisit afar off,

209. " This way, she has done, I come up

210. joj-fully, my strength thou givest me."

211. Sisit after this manner said to Izdubar
212 thy scarlet cloth

213 I have lodged thee

214

The five following lines, which are mutilated, refer again
to the seven matters for purifying Izdubar ; this passage,
like the former one, I do not translate.

219. Izdubar after this manner said to Sisit afar off
220 Sisit to thee may we not come.

From here the text is much mutilated, and it will bo
better to give a general account of its contents than to
attempt a strict translation, especially as this part is not so
interestmg as the former part of the tablet.

Lines 221 to 223 mention some one who was taken and
dwelt with Death. Lines 224 to 235 give a speech of Sisit to
the seaman Urhamsi, directing him how to cure Izdubar, who,
from the broken passages, appears to have been sufiering
from some form of skin disease. Izdubar was to be dipped
m the sea, when beauty was to spread over his skhi once
more. In lines 236 to 241 the carrying out of these directions
and the cure of Izdubar are recorded.

The tablet then reads as follows :

242. Izdubar and Urhamsi rode in the boat

243. where they placed them they rode

244. His wife after this manner said to Sisit afar off,

245. " Izdubar goes away, he is satisfied, he performs

246. that which thou hast given him and returns to his

country."

247. And he heard, and after Izdubar

248. he went to the shore

249. Sisit after this manner said to Izdubar,

YoL. II. 15

226 Tlie Chaldean Account of the Delude.

250. " Izdiibnr thou goest away thou art satisfied, thou per-

fornic'st

251. Tliat which I have given thee and thou returnest to thy

country

252. I have revealed to thee Izdubar the concealed story."

Lines 253 to 202, which are veiy mutilated, give the
conclusion of the speech of Sisit, and then state that after
hearing it, Izdubar took great stones and piled them up as a
memorial of these events.

Lines 263 to 289 give in a very mutilated condition sub-
sequent speeches and doings of Izdubar and Urhamsi. [n
this part journeys are mentioned of 10 and 20 kaspu, or 70
and 140 miles ; alien is also spoken of, but there is no further
allusion to the Flood. These lines close the inscription, and
are followed by a colophon which gives the heading of the
next tablet, and the statement that this (the Flood Tablet) is
the 11th tablet in the series giving the history of Izdubar,
and that it is a copy of the ancient inscription.

Before entering into the details of the tablet, I must first
refer to the accounts of the Deluge given in the Bible, and
by Berosus, the Chaldean historian, as I shall have to
compare these with the Cmieiform record.

The Biblical account of the Deluge, contained in the
sixth to the ninth chapters of Genesis, is of course familiar to
us all, so I will only give the outline of the narrative.

According to the Book of Genesis, as man multiplied on
the earth, the whole race turned to evil, except the family of
Noah. On account of the wickedness of man, the Lord
determined to destroy the world by a flood, and gave com-
mand to Noah to build an ark, 300 cubits long, 50 cubits
broad, and 30 cubits high. Into this ark Noah entered
according to the command of the Lord, taking with him his
family, and pairs of each animal. After seven days the
Flood commenced in the 600th year of Noah, the seventeenth
day of the second month, and after 150 days the ark rested
upon the mountains of Ararat, on the seventeenth day of
the seventh moutli. We are Iheii told tliat after 40 days
Noah opened the window of the ark and sent forth a raven

The Chaldean Account of the Deluge. 227

which did not return. He then sent forth a dove, which
finding no rest for the sole of her foot, returned to him. Seven
days after he sent forth the dove a second time, and she
returned to him with an ohve leaf in her mouth. Again,
after seven days, he sent forth the dove which returned to
him no more. The Flood was dried up in the GOlst year, on
the first day of the first month, and on the twenty-seventh
day of the second month, Noah removed from the ark and
afterwards built an altar and offered sacrifices.

The Chaldean account of the Flood, as given by Berosus,
I have taken from Cory's Ancient Fragments, page 26 to 29,
is as follows : —

" After the death of Ardates, his son Xisuthrus reigned
eighteen sari. In his time happened a great Deluge, the
history of which is thus described : The Deity, Cronos,
appeared to him in a vision, and warned him that upon the
fifteenth day of the month Dsesius, there would be a flood,
by Avhich mankind would be destroyed. He, therefore,
enjoined him to write a history of the beginnmg, procediu-e,
and conclusion of all tilings ; and to bury it in the City of the
Smi at Sippara ; and to build a vessel, and take with him into
it his friends and relations ; and to convey on board every-
thing necessary to sustain life, together with all the different
animals, both birds and quadrupeds, and trust liimself fear-
lessly to the deep. Having asked the Deity whither he was
to sail ? he was answered, ' To the Gods ; ' upon which he
offered up a prayer for the good of mankmd. He then obeyed
the Divuie admonition, and built a vessel five stadia in length,
and two in breadth. Into this he put eveiything which he
had prepared : and last of all conveyed into it his wife, his
children, and his friends.

" After the Flood had been upon the earth, and was in
time abated, Xisuthrus sent out birds from the vessel, which
not finding any food, nor any place whereupon they might
rest their feet, returned to him again. After an mterval of
some days he sent them forth a second time, and they now
returned with their feet tinged with mud. He made a trial
a third time ^vitli these birds, but they returned to him no
more : from whence he judged that the surface of the earth

228 The Chaldean Account of the Deluge.

had appeared above the waters. He, therefore, made an
opening m the vessel, and npon looldng- out found that it was
Btranded upon the side of some momitain, upon wliich he im-
mediately cpiitted it with his -wdfe, his daughter, and the
pilot. Xisuthrus then paid his adoration to the earth, and
having constructed an altar, offered sacrifices to the gods,
and, vAth those who had come out of the vessel with liim_,
disappeared.

" They, who remained within, finding that their com-
panions did not return, quitted the vessel Avitli many lamenta-
tions, and called contuiually on the name of Xisuthrus. Him
they saw no more ; but they could distinguish his voice in
the air, and could hear him admonish them to pay due regard
to religion ; and likewise informed them that it was upon
account of his piety that he was translated to live ^vath the
gods, that his 'v\'ife, and daughter, and the pilot, had obtamed
the same honour. To this he added, that they should return
to Babylonia, and as it was ordained, search for the writings
at Sippara, which they were to make known to all mankind ;
moreover, that the place whereui they then were, was the
land of Armenia.

" The rest having heard these words, offered sacrifices to
the gods, and taking a circuit, journeyed towards Babylonia.

" The vessel being thus stranded m Armenia, some part
of it yet remains in the Corcyraean mountahis."

In pages 33 and 34 of Cory's Fragments there is a second
versi^'u, as follows : —

" And then fSisithrus. To him the deity Cronos foretold
that on the fifteenth day of the month Da^sius there would
be a deluge of rain : and he commanded him to deposit all
the writings whatever which were in his possession, in the
City of the Sun at Sippara. Sisitlnus when he had complied
■with these commands, sailed immediately to Armenia, and
was presently inspu-ed by God. Uj)on the third day after
the cessation of the rain Sisithrus sent out birds, by way of
experiment, that he might judge whether the Flood had
suljsided. But the bnds passing over an unbounded sea,
without finding any place of rest, returned again to Sisithrus.
This he repeated with other birds. And when upon the

The Chaldean Account of the Deluge. 229

third trial he succeeded, for the birds then returned with
their feet stained with mud, the gods translated him from
among men. With respect to the vessel, which yet remains
in Armenia, it is a custom of the inhabitants to form bracelets
and amulets of its wood."

There are several other accounts of the Flood in the
traditions of different ancient nations ; these, however, are
neither so full nor so precise as the account of Berosus, and
their details so far as they are given differ more from the
Biblical narrative, so I shall not notice them now, but pass
at once to the examination of the text.

In comparmg the text of the Deluge Tablet with the
accounts in the Bible and Berosus, the first point that meets
us is the consideration of the proper names. This is the
least satisfactory part of the subject, for, while the Greek
forms show variant readings and have evidently been cor-
rupted, the Cimeiform names, on the other hand being
written mostly in monograms are difficult to render pho-
aetically. The father of the hero of the Flood bears in the
inscriptions the name Ubara-tutu which ought to correspond
to one of the Greek forms, Otiartes or Ardates, the resem-
blance however cannot be called a close one. The hero of
the Flood I have provisionally called Sisit ; he corres]3onds,
of course, to the Greek Xisuthrus, but no comparison of the
two names can be made until we know the phonetic reading
of the Cuneiform name. Neither the Cuneiform, nor the
Greek names appear to have any connection with the Biblical
Lamech and Noah. In the opening of the account of the
Flood there is a noticeable difference between the Cuneiform
and Biblical narratives, for while in the Jewish account one
God only is mentioned, the Cuneiform inscription mentions
all the principal gods of the early Babylonian Pantheon as
engaged in bringing about the Flood.

The Cuneiform account agrees with the Biblical narrative
in making the Deluge a divine punishment for the wicked-
ness of the world, this point is omitted in the Greek accounts
of Berosus.

The gods having resolved on the Deluge, the deity whom
we have hitherto provisionally called Hea, announces the

230 The Chaldean Account of the Deluge.

coming event to Sisit. Now, in tlie account of Berosus, the
god who announces the Dehige is stated to be Cronos ; so
this passage gives us the Cuneiform name of the deity
iihmtified by the Greeks with Cronos. The Greek account
states that the communication of the coming Dehige was
made in a dream. From the context it is probable that the
Cuneiform account stated the same, but the text is here
mutilated so that the point cannot be decided,

Tlie dimensions of the vessel in the inscription are un-
fortiuiately lost by a fracture which has broken off both
numbers, the j^assage which is otherwise complete, shows
that the dimensions were expressed in cubits as in the
Biblical account, but while Genesis makes the ark 50 cubits
broad and 30 cubits high, the inscription states that the
height and breadth were the same.

The greater part of the description of the building of the
ark is lost. In the latter part of the account which is pre-
served, there is mention of the trial of the vessel by launch-
ing it mto the sea, when defects being found which admitted
the water, the outside and inside were coated with bitumen.
These details have no parallel either in the Bible or Berosus.
The description of the filhng of the ark agrees in general
Avith the two other accounts, but it differs fi'om Genesis in
not mentioning the sevens of clean animals and in including
others beside the family of the builder.

The month and day when the Deluge commenced, Avliich
are given in the Bible and Berosus, are not mentioned in
the text, unless the fifth day, mentioned in a mutilated
passage, is part of this date.

The desci-iption of the Flood in the inscription is very
vivid, it is said to have been so terrible that the gods feaiiug
it, ascended to the heaven of Anu, that it is the highest and
furthest heaven, the destruction of the limnan race is
recorded, and the corpses of the Avicked are said to have
floated on the surface of the Flood.

AVith regard to the duration of the Deluge, there appears
to be a serious difference between the Bible and the insciip-
tion. According to the account in the Book of Genesis, the
Flood commenced on the seventeenth day of the second

The Chaldean Account of the Dehuje. 231

month, the ark rested on Ararat after one hundred and lifty
days on the seventeenth day of the seventh month, and the
complete drymg up of the Flood was not until the twenty-
seventh day of the second month in the following year. The
inscription, on the other hand, states that the Flood abated
on the seventh day, and that the ship remained seven days
on the mountain before the sending out of the birds.

On this point it must be remarked that some Biblical critics
consider that there are two versions of the Flood story in
Genesis itself, and that these two differ as to the duration of
the Flood.

The Greek account of Berosus is silent as to the duration
of the Deluge.

With regard to the mountain on which the ark rested
there is a difference between the Bible and the inscription,
which is more apparent than real. The Book of Genesis
states that the ark rested on the mountains of Ararat. Accord-
ing to the popular notion tliis refers to the mountain of
Ararat, m Armenia ; but these mountains may have been
anywhere within the ancient territory of Ararat, and some
Commentators looking at the passage in Berosus, where the
ark is stated to have rested in the Gordiasan mountains, have
inclined to place the mountam referred to in the Kurdish
mountains, east of Assyria. In accordance with this indica-
tion the inscription states that the ship rested on the mountain
of Nizir.

Now, the position of Nizir can be determined from the
mscription of Assur-nazir-pal, king of Assyria. He made an
expedition to this region, and starting from an Assyrian city,
near Arbela, crossed the Lower Zab, and marclimg eastward
between latitudes 35 and 36, arrived at the mountains of
Nizir. These mountains of Nizir thus lay east of Assyria, but
they form part of a series of mountain chains extending to
the north-west into Armenia.

The vessel being stranded on the mountain, the Bible,
Berosus, and the Inscription, all agree that trial was made by
birds in order to ascertain if the Flood had subsided ; but in
the details of these trials there are curious differences in all
three narratives. According to the Book of Genesis, a raven

232 The Chaldean Account of the Dehuie.

was sent out first, wliicli did not return ; a dove was sent
next, which finding no resting place returned to Noah. Seven
days later the dove was sent out again, and returned with
an olive leaf; and seven days after, on the dove bemg sent
out again, it returned no more.

The account of Berosus mentions the sending out of the
birds, but does not mention what kinds were tried. On the
first trial the birds are said to have returned, and on the
second trial likewise, this time with mud on their feet. On
the third occasion they did not return.

The inscription states that, first, a dove was sent out, Mdiich
finding no resting place, returned. On the second occasion a
swallow was sent, which also returned. The third time a
raven was sent out, which feeding on the corpses floating on
the water, wandered away and did not return. Thus, the
inscription agrees with the Bible as to the senduig out of
the raven and dove, but adds to these the trial of the
swallow, which is not in Genesis. In the number of the
trials it agrees with Berosus, who has three, while Genesis
has four. On the other hand there is no mention of the dove
returning with an olive leaf as in Genesis, and of the birds
having their feet stained with mud, as in Berosus.

In the statement of the building of the altar, and ofiering
sacrifice after leaving the ark, all three accounts agree ; but
in the subsequent matter there is an important difference
between the Bible and the Inscription, for while tlie Bible
represents Noah as living for many years after the Flood,
the Inscription on the other hand agrees with Berosus in
making Sisitto be tmnslated like the gods. This translation
is in the Bible recorded of Enoch, the ancestor of Noah.

On reviewing the evidence it is apparent that the events
of the Flood narrated in the Bible and the Inscription arc the
same, and occur in the same order ; but the minor differences
in the details show that the inscription embodies a distinct
and independent tradition.

In spite of a striking similarity in style, which shows itself
in several places, the two narratives belong to totally distinct
peoples. The Biblical account is the version f)f an uiland
people, the name of the ark in Genesis means a chest or box,

The i'hnhleari Acconnf of'tlie. iJehicie. 233

and not a sliip ; there is no notice; of the sen,, or of launcliing-,
no pilots are spoken of, no navigatioii is inentioned. The
inscription on the other hand belongs to a maritime people,
the ark is called a ship, the ship is launched into the sca^ trial
is made of it, and it is given in charge of a ])ilot.

The Cuneiform inscription, after giving the history of the
Flood, down to the sacrifice of Sisit, when he came out of the
ark, gcjcs back to the former part of the story, and mentions
the god Bel in particular as the maker of the tempest or
deluge ; tliere appears to be a slight inconsistency between
this and the former part of the inscription which suggests
the question whether the Chaldean narrative itself may not
have been compiled from two distinct and older accounts.

It is remarkable that the oldest traditions of the early
Babylonians seem to centre round the Persian Gulf. From
this sea, Cannes the fish god is supposed to have arisen, and
the composite monsters who followed him in the antediluvian
period came from the same region. Into this sea the ark
was launched, and after the subsiding of the Deluge when
Sisit was translated, he dwelt in this neighbourhood. To
this sea also came the great hero Izdubar, and was cured,
and here he heard the story of the Flood.

In conclusion I would remark that this account of the
Deluge opens to us a new field of inquiry in the early part
of the Bible history. The question has often been asked,
" What is the origin of the accounts of the antediluvians,
Avith their long lives so many times greater than the longest
span of human life ? Where was Paradise, the abode of the
first parents of mankind? From whence comes the story of
the flood, of the ark, of the birds ? " Various conflicting-
answers have been given to these important questions, while
evidence on these subjects before the Greek period has been
entirely wanting- The Cuneiform inscriptions are now
shedding a new light on these questions, and supplying
material which future scholars will have to work out. Fol-
lowing this inscription, we may expect many other dis-
coveries throwing light on these ancient periods, until we
are able to form a decisive opinion on the many great
questions involved. It would be a mistake to suppose

Vol. II. 15

234 'J he ('/i"/(/t'((fi AccoiDit (if fin' Dehuje.

Iliat witli the translation and connnontary on an inscrip-
tion like this the matter is ended. The origin, age, and
liistory of the legend have to be traced, and it has to be
compared with the many similar stories current among
varions nations.

All these accounts, together with considerable portions of
the ancient mythologies have, I believe, a common origin in
the Plams of Chaldea. This county, the cradle of civilisation,
the birthplace of the arts and sciences, for 2,000 years has
been m ruins ; its literature, containing the most precious
records of antiquity, is scarcely known to us, except fi-om
the texts the Assyrians copied, but beneath its mounds and
ruined cities, now awaiting exploration, lay, together with
older copies of this Deluge text, other legends and histories
of the earliest ci\dlisation in the world.

BABIII80N AND SONS, FRINTEUS IN ORDINABT TO HER MAJESTY, ST. MARTINS LANK, I,(>XDl>N.

TRANSACTIONS

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.

Vol. II. DECEMBER, 1873. Part 2.

THE PHCENICIAN PASSAGE IN THE PCENULUS
OF PLAUTUS.

By the Rev. J. M. Rodwell, M.A.
Read 4th February, 1873.

The Poenulus of Plautus was written at about the time
when that poet commenced his pubHc career, viz., in the
year B.C. 224, cotemporaneously with the breaking out of
the second Punic war. In a political point of view, there-
fore, and with reference to passing events, it would, no
doubt, be highly popular for a comedian to bring an imper-
sonation of one of the hostile nation upon the stage, and
hold him up to public ridicule, as the Bilinguis — speaking at
one time in the Phosnician of Carthage, and at another in
the debased dialect of Lybia. But with this aspect of the
Comedy we have nothing to do. It has an interest for us
only as containing ten lines of ancient Carthaginian or
Phoenician, and thus offering points of contact with Hebrew
literature and enabling us to illustrate a few passages of
Holy Scripture. It tends to show that the Carthaginian
dialect in the middle of the third century B.C., and the

Vol. II. 16

236 The Phcenician Passage in the Poemilus of Plautus:

Hebrew of ]\Ioses and the Prophets, are both, to a great
extent, identified — in other words, that the Hebrew of the
Bible is no other than a dialectic variety of the Canaanitish
or Phoenician tongue express(Kl in the Chald{«an character,
not brought, as has been thought, by Abraham himself from
Ur of the Chaldaees, but adopted by the Israelites during their
long captivities.

Now, in the fii'st place, the jocose title which Plautus
himself gives to the Poenulus in the prologue, at line 53, is
curious, and deserves a remark. He says that his comedy
might be called Carchedonius, the Carthagmian, or, Patricus
Pnhij^hagonides the pottage-eating luicle — this uncle being
Hanno, a bewildered Carthaginian wandering the streets of
Rome in search of his two stolen daughters ; the -word Hanno,
by the way, being of com'se only another form of the Scrip-
tural Hannah (nSn), Grecized Ananias. The nearly similar
term Pultiphagus, as the equivalent of Pcenus, occm-s again
in the Mostellaria (iii, 2, 143), the point there being to show
that certain doorposts were badly made and did not fit well,
because they were not made by a Pultiphagus or Phoenician.
The Phoenicians were noted at Rome exactly as they had
been in Greece in the days of Homer, who calls them
7ro\vBaLBdXoL (II. i/r. 743) " artists of varied skill," and in
Jerusalem in the times of the Kings of Israel) as skilful ca?'-
penters. Thus, on the one hand, we find mention made, not
only as in the Mostellaria. of Phoenicians as house builders^
but as clever joinej's ; as, when we read in Pliny (xxxiii, 11)
of lecti Punic i ; in Seneca (Ep. 95, ad f.) of lectulos artijicio
Pcenorum factos ; in Varro, of fenestrce Punicance and torculare
Punicum ; in the fragments of M. Porcius Cato, of coagmenta
Punica, w^ell-fitting joints ; and in Philo's Legatio ad Caium
(p. 1024, vol. ii, ]\langey), of Punic works of art generally as
well knowm in Rome : — and, on the other hand, in Jerusalem,
we read of Solomon sending to Hiram king of Tyre, for
^^ cunning men" of ''skill to cut timber .... and to prepare
timber " for the " house which he teas about to build " (2 Chi'on.
ii, 8, 9). Indeed the same thing had taken place in the days
of. David, to whom we read that ''Hiram sent messengers and
cedar trees and carpenters and masons, and they built David an

The Phoenician Passage in the Pmnulus of Plautus. 237

house'' (2 Sam. v, 11) ; and as late even as the days of Ezra,
at the rebuildmg- of the temple, we are told that they gave
money unto the masons and to the carpenters and meat and drink
and oil unto them of Sidon and to them of Tyre to bring cedar-
trees from Lebanon to the sea of Joppa (Ezra hi, 7). So that
upon this point there is a note-worthy harmony between the
sacred and profane writers. But, as I have already said,
Plautus describes the Phoenicians as Pultiphagi — consumers
of pottage or otlier cereal food. This is corroborated by
Athenseus in the Deipnosophist, iii, 28 and 36, where he
speaks of the apros airdKci of Syria and Phoenicia, and of
the best bakers as coming from Phoenicia, and describes
certain meal-cakes made with milk, oil, and honey, and
resembling the Roman liba; and Cato de re Rustica, c. 85,
gives a receipt for making the Puis Punica. Festus also
mentions a peculiar Syrian bread called Mamphula, made,
as the root of that word indicates, of sifted wheat (")2 T'SD).
Now, it strikes me as something curious, that Solomon should
have promised his Phoenician workmen 20,000 measures of
ground loheat, 20,000 measures of barley , and a large quantity of
oil, as well as ivi7ie, — an offer which seems to have been very
carefully accepted by Hiram, who says (2 Chron. ii, 15), JVoio
therefore the ivheat and the barley .... which my lord hath
spoken of, let him send unto his servants and toe will cut the
wood. Without pressing this point, however, the fact
certainly remains, that both in Scriptural and Classical
antiquity the Phoenicians for centuries anterior to the
Christian era were famous, not only as we commonly think
of them, as a people who did the carrying trade, were the
manufacturers of stuffs dyed with Tyrian purple, and the
merchants p)ar excellence of the old world, but also as
mechanics and carpenters.

I now proceed to the speech or soliloquy of Hanno in the
opening of the fifth act of the Poenulus, or rather to its first
ten lines, as it is of these that Plautus has put a loose
explanatory translation into Hanno's own mouth. The
remaining six lines, together with the shorter non-Latin
speeches of Hanno and the Nurse, are referable to the Lybic
or Numidian dialect, and require a separate consideration.

238 The Phcenician Passage in the Poenulus of Plautus.

Of these first ten lines Gesenius tells us that they have con-
tracted in the lapse of ages, and tln*ough the ignorance or
carelessness of copyists, na^vos vix sanahiles, and that for
some of them neque medela neque explicatio prohahilis inventa
est. The second hne he says is dijficillimus omnium, and it
may give some idea of what those difficulties are when it is
stated that out of the thirty-nine letters of Avhich it is com-
posed, no less than twenty-one have been treated as spm-ious
by himself and by Bochart in his Phaleg — and that one of
them translates it, " In order that my jylans may he made good,
may my business be prospered by their guidance,^' — the other,
" 1)1 order that as the gods have taken away my prosperity,
my desires may he fuljilled at their bidding ;" while Gronovius
renders, — " Accept m,y deprecation and my integrity. I have
begotten two daughters ivlio are my strength^ ! ! ! It would seem,
however, that what is wanted for the restoration and inter-
pretation of this cmious relic of Phoenician, is not any
attempt, ^dth one learned author (Sappuhn),^ to prove that
it is explicable only by reference to the Aramsean, or with
another (Casir)^ by reference to a mixture of the Arabic and
Maltese dialects ; and least of aU (ynth. Vallencey) by reference
to the Irish. Neither is there requu-ed the substitution of
fresh though similar words, nor the insertion of conjectural
words or glosses, but mainly an elimination of the vowels,
inasmuch as none of these would appear in the original
Semitic text, and then simply a reconstruction of the letters.
I do not mean then- transposition, but that letters or syllables
which belong to each other and have been torn asunder should
be reunited ; because, as the text stands, it is obvious that
letters and syllables have been wi'ongly combined, and even
compounded into words, which really are no words at all.
With scarcely any Anolence or real change, I conceive that
the text may thus be read in Hebrew-Phoenician, as at least
an approximation towards the true restoration of the text : —

n«t mp^ur ^n« ^-^iptir m:i^«i a^:i^« n^^ «j
:u?''« D-'nn T\ny2 hv 'h ir?^ n^r^in n« pn^r^*" ""D

' G-. H. Sappuhu, Commentatio philologica. Lipsise, 1731.
9 Bibl, Escurial, t. ii, p. 27.

The Phoenician Passage in the Poenuhis of Plautus. 239

:^mn "i^ir? ^n^n b^in -h h^ n-in j^nn
-f^TO iniN nm: pi^ m^ d^^ "h n^i

"hn n« ^Q« nh5 a^^iiy'^ nii^^ u?*'

J t^xt>i3 n^^^ ^ra "i^d h^^n ^n:^« nt^

: an ni\L>S 0^^11:1 n^^^ i^ ^3 lir n« ^i^i

^loip ]i?:!n on^ ti?*" i^^n ::r^n ^i^ ami^i

Now on the gods and goddes.ses of this place I call,

To cleanse my stains that so I may be spotless —

To recover for me my daughters the joy of my old age,

my daughters.
Out of the abundance which was his. there is a void m the

day of song.
If death had not come down upon him, the house of

Antidamas should be my place ;
[But] He is one of the company that walk in darkness,

the host whose abode is darkness ; ^
And Agorastocles, if I am rightly so told, is the son that

laments him.
Here is my token of good faith — a graven image — this

is it that I b]ing —
A witness that this place is his abode.
Here am I among the passengers by the door : there are

many among them who loath my speech.

The text of Plautus as it stands in the edition o
Gronovius is as follows :

Neith alonim vualonuth si chorathisma comsyth
Chym lachchunj^th munys thalmyctabati imisci
Lipho canet byth mythii adeedin bynuthii
Byi-narob syllo homalonin uby misyrthoho

* Tliis line is rendered by Plautus : " Humfecisse aiunt sibi quod faciundum
^uH," — probably a pcrij^lirastic and euplicmistic way of avoiding the mention of
Death, and meaning that " lie has done what we all must do," nameljj depart
this life.

240 Tlie Phoonician Passage in the Posmilus of Plautus.

BylliljTii motliym noctothii nelechanli dasmachon
Ussidele brim t}-fel yth chylyschoii, tern, lipliul
Uth bynim ysditut tliinno cuth nu Agorastocles
Ythe manet ihy cliyrsae lycocli sitli naeo
Bymii id cliil luhili gubylim lasibit tliim
Bodyalit herayn nyn nuys lym moncotli lusim.

Bochart, in his Plialeg ii, 2, 6, thus restored this text : —

nt^^ p^^D^ r\'r\'2\D' rssr^hv ^ U'y\'hv nt^ «3
^nmi ^-TiT T n« ^ii n« n^p-^-iD^

prs^QTi^:^^ ^^n ••mi^ nsin mn D^ian

h^'ih Dnrnur '^^^n n« ^sto d^i : "h i^Ttrr u^^«

D''S'^i2D")i:it^ m:3 t^ip:: on "iiii y^n« p nt^

«u>i: n«^ p^'^ 'h'tw "^vd «in ^ni^n Dmn

on TsiXDh uhyi:^ rhv(n "h ^^2 ly ■'::''n

D^ 1^ ^'2112 Q^ ^«urN i2n : i^ii^ v^n "hv n ^in

Which he thus renders —

Rogo deos et deas qui hanc regionem tuentur

Ut consiKa mea compleantur ; prosperum sit ex ductu

eorrnn negotium meum.
Ad Hberationem fihi mei e manu praidonis et fiharum

me arum.
Dii (iiiquam id preestent) per spuitum multum qui est in

ipsis et per providentiam suam,
Ante obitum diversari apud me solebat Antidamarchus
Vir mihi famiHaris : sed is eorum ceetibus junctus est

quormn habitatio est in caligme.
FiHum ejus constans fama est ibi fixisse sedem, Agoras-

toclem (nomuie).
Sigillum hospitii mei est tabula sculpta, cujus sculptura

est Dcus meus : id fero.
Indicavit mihi testis eum habitare in his finibus.
Venit ahquis per portam hanc : Ecce cum : rogabo eum

nuni <|ui(l iiovurit noincn (Agorasioclis).

The Phoenician Passage in the Pamidus of Plautus. 241

The tvriting and language in Africa were both Punic and
Libyan. Polyb. iii, 39 : " The Carthaginians at that time
(second Punic war) were masters of Libya." Hence the Poeni
are called bilingues, as in Virg. ^n. 1, 661, Tyriosque hilingues.
Plant. Poen. v. 2, 73 : " Bisulcilingua quasi proserpens bestia."
The following are a few of the words identical with or
illustrative of similar words in Biblical Hebrew.

Of com-se alyonim is merely the plural of the Hebrew l^'^)),
of which alyonoth is the feminine plm-al, not known to Bibhcal
Hebrew,

(1.) "^Dt"^ seems to be used as the equivalent of "^^i^, of
which it may merely be a textual corruption. It would, how-
ever, be cuiious if this passage has preserved '^il^ as 1st pers.
pronoun. '^T) is the invariable 1st pers. suffix of verbs, and
may be thus accounted for.

Macom, like the Hebrew U^p12 ^->?acg, used here for city,
exactly in the same way as D^pD is used for 1^^^ in
Gen. xviii, 24 — " Peradventure there be fifty righteous within
the city : wilt thou not spare the jjlace for the fifty righteous ?"
Gesenius also (p. 370) quotes the inscription of a Numidian
coin as inscribed with U^DU^ D1p?2, the City of the Smi.

(2.) pn^D'^, that they loould purify or purge. This word
is used m Ezekiel xvi, 4, of rubbing newly-born children with
salt — according to Galen de Sanit. 1, 7 — to make the skin
dry and fii-m.

(3.) Ip'io deliver'ance. This noun is not used in the Bible,
though the verb p^D and in Daniel p'HS occurs in the sense
of delivering. The noun, however, is of frequent occurrence
in Arabic, and is one of the titles of the Koran, and con-
stantly occurs in the Rabbinic "wiitings.

(4.) We have here "l^V in fi^^ sense of passer over, or
pilgrim, the word that gives its name to the Hebrew race.

(5.) Ti^7 the common Hebrew word for the speakers of
a barbarous dialect, such as the Carthaginian would be to
the Romans, and the Assyrian to the Hebrews ; this use of
the word illustrates the use of the same word in those
passages of Scripture, like Psalm cxiv, 1, where it is used uf
a strange language — as if to speak a strange language was
thought of as something inimical and ofiensive.

242 The PJui'nician Passage in the Pcenuhis of Plautus.

It would be easy to adduce other instances. But it ^\^ll
be less tedious to say that the net result of a comparison of
the first ten lines of Hanno's speech Math Biblical Hebrew is,
that of ninety-one words, sixty may be found in any Hebrew
dictionary, and that the remainder are, with three excep-
tions, merely dialectic Phoenician varieties of roots in common
use in classical Hebrew.

It may also be remarked, that the pronunciation of this
Hebrew-Phoenician passage which Plautus has put into the
mouth of Hanno, agrees throughout Avith the system of pro-
nunciation indicated by the Masoretic points, the initial "^
being always treated by Plautus as a vowel, and taking the
sound of the point attached to it by the Punctuists. There
seems, so far as we can judge from this passage, to be a very
slight difference between the pronunciation of the Phoenician
as spoken in Carthage in the days of Plautus and that
handed down to us as the pronunciation of the Hebrew in
the times of the Israelitish Kings. The name of Dido, the
queen of Cartilage, is only another form of that of the Royal
Psalmist David ; EUsa Ql'^**^ ^^)5 the w^oman hero, and
Carthage itself rri^J^^^ metropolis. Sichceus, the husband of
Dido, has the same root as ''SI or Zacchasus ; Pygmalion
jV^i^ Di^D malleus Dei, hammer of God — a mode of expres-
sion analogous to that of the hammer of the word in the
Prophet Jeremiah xxiii, 29.

243

NIMROD AND THE ASSYRIAN INSCRIPTIONS.

By the Rev. A. H. Sayce, M.A.
Read 1st April, 1873.

The identification of the Biblical Nimrod is one of the
problems connected with Assyrian research which still await
their solution. Various suggestions have been put forward
from time to time by the decipherers of the inscriptions —
now that he was an ethnic title representing the tribe of
Namri, now that he was the god Bel, now that he was no
other than Khammurabi the Elamite conqueror of Babylonia ;
but they have all been equally unsatisfactory. The object
of this paper is to point out that all our evidence in the
matter, so far as it extends at present, goes to identify the
great hunter of the ancient world with Merodach.

Now the chief points of identification which we possess
are three in number : — the relation of Nimrod to Babylonia,
his character as a hunter, and his name. These we shall
examine in their order.

The name of Nimrod occurs twice in the Old Testament,
in Gen. x, 8-1 1, and again in Micah v, (3. The latter prophet
speaks of the "land of Nimrod" as synonymous with
Babylonia, at that time under the sway of Sargon, and puts
" the land of Assur " and " the land of Nimrod " upon one
and the same footing. The same is the case in the ethno-
logical table of Genesis. There, just as Nimrod is the
founder of the four primaeval cities of Chalda3a, so Assur is
the founder and eponyme of the four primaeval cities of
Assyria. The two heroes are the counterparts one of the
other. What Assur is to Assyiia, Nimrod is to Babylonia.
Now Assur or Asur represents the earliest capital of Assyria,
whose ruins are to be found at Kileh Shergat. In all pro-
bability it is the Ellasar of Gen. xiv, 1, where the initial 7^^

244 Nimrod and the Assyiian Inscriptions.

would be tlie Assyrian dlu '• city." Assur was of Accadiaii
origin ; in other words, its builders must have come from the
southern alluvial plains of the Euphrates, in agreement with
the statement of Genesis, bringing with them the art of
writing, which had already been invented in Chaldsea. The
tablets explain the meaning of the name as " water-border '
or "water-bank," from the Accadian a "water" (Assyiian
7nie) and «sar "border" (Asspian sedtuv), no doubt in allu-
sion to its situation on the Tigris, The title Assm- extended
itself from the city to the surrounding country, and became
abstracted into a deity, the patron and eponyme of Assyria.
The power of the later Assyrian Empire was expressed by
makmg this god the head of the Pantheon, and the father
of the three originally supreme gods Anu, Bil, and Hea
(Uamasc. Be pr. Princip. ed. Kopp, p. 324). Now, in the
inscriptions, Merodach in the South answers to Assur in the
North ; and just as Assur is the patron-deity of Nineveh, so
Merodach is the patron-deity of Babylon. As early as the
time of Khammurabi, we find the king calling himself casid
irniti Maruduc rin mutib lihbi-su, " conqueror of the enemies
of Merodach, the shepherd who makes good his heart " ; and
as soon as a Semitic dynasty is established in Babylonia
we have monarchs named Merodach-gina, Merodach-iddm-
akhi, &c. Merodach, " the great lord," " the illuminator of
the gods," " the extender of lands and men," is the primary
object of Nebuchadnezzar's worship. As the planet Mercmy,
he is identified with Dilgan (*^ ^m\) " ^^® ^^'^i' ^^ Babylon "
(W.A.I. Ill, 53, 4), called Icu (s^B ]^ 0 by the Assyi-ians
(III, G8, 13). Babylonia, accordingly, may be described as
the land of Merodach, just as it is called the land of Ninn-od
in Micah ; and the same relation that exists between Assur
and Nimrod in the Old Testament exists between Assur and
Merodach in the native monuments. Here, therefore, is a
strong presumption in favour of the identity of the two.

The second characteristic of the Biblical Nimrod, which
we are able to use in evidence, is his character as a hunter.
It is as the wild huntsman of the ancient world that his name
became a proverb throughout the East, — " Even as Nimrod
the mighty hunter before the Lord." Now the same

Nimrod and the Assyrian Inscriptions. 245

character belongs also to Merodach. A mythological
tablet (VV.A.I, II, 56, 25-29) gives us the following cmious
information : — " The god Uccumu {*^*^\ >C^^ IS *^)'
the god Accalu (^^y ^"Q Jgf JglJ), the god
Icsuda (>^*^T *^T^T'^ ^y ^IT)' ^^^ t^® §'°^ Iltebu
(^*-\ ^I^YT "^y V^*")? [are] the four names of the dog[8]
of Merodach" (^y ^ ]} ^^] ly jgf ^>-] C;:^^] ^]]]).
The first three words are easy enough to interpret, "the
despoiler " fi-om D^j; (ecimu), " the devourer," from 7^^^
(acalu), and " the seizer," from *1U^3 (casadu) ; but Iltebu is
more obscure. It may be "the consumer," from '2'nh or
(more probably, considering the vowel of the inserted
dental) " the captm-er," from li«^ti? (Hebrew H11i>). Here
we see Merodach accompanied by his dogs, like the Greek
Orion or the Wild Huntsman of mediaeval legend, and it is
impossible not to compare him with the description of
Nimrod given in Genesis. According to Ebers (JEgypten
u. d. Blicher Mos^s, p. 58), the Egyptians were already
acquainted with the story in the 14th century B.C. In the
Papyrus Anastasi I, 23, 6, it is said of the Mohar, whose
travels in Canaan are narrated, " Thy name is like that of
Katarti, the Lord of Assyria, after his fight with the
Hyaenas." If the reading Katarti is correct, it is remark-
ably similar to Gudibir, the common Accadian name of
Merodach (W.A.I. II, 48, 36). So that here again we have
a point of connection between the tutelary god of Babylon
and the Biblical hero.

The last chief point of identification is the name Merodach,
in Assyrian Maruduc, is a modification of the Accadian
Amar-ud or Amar-ut (^^ "^y), as the name of the god is
usually written. The initial vowel is dropped as in the name
of the Babylonian city Amar-da, which becomes Marad in
Assyrian. Amar-ut would signify "the circle^ of the day,"
ut or ud being " sun,'' " day," or " light," and when used

* I follow the French School iu translating Amar " circle." The Syllabary,
however (W.A.I. II, 1, 156), renders amar by bii-u-ru, and iuhru is found in the
inscriptions only as the equivalent of the Heb. T^3,, in the sense of " pit " or
" snare."

246 Nimrod and the Assyrian Inscnptions.

as an adjective. " white." A longer fonn of nt was Utu
(W.A.I. II. 57, 15), and this was still fm-ther mcreased by
the addition of ci, whence we get Utiici (W.A.I. II, 48, 34)
contracted in Assyrian to Utuc or Uduc " a sphit." The
postposition ci (originally "place") meant "with," and
hence was sometimes employed to form adjectives, like the
postposition ga. " The circle of the day " would seem to
refer to Merodach as the planet Mercmy, or possibly
would point to an original solar conception. ^ At any rate,
the fact remains that liis ordinary Accadian name was
A mar-tid. The resemblance of this word to Nimrod will be
evident to everyone, the initial nasal in the latter alone
requiring explanation. This is no doubt a difficulty, and the
easiest way of escaping from it would be to assume a mis-
reading in the Hebrew text, 2$^. having been taken for 'f.
But two facts decisively exclude such a supposition. One is
the occurrence of the word in tioo passages of the Old Testa-
ment ; the other is the existence of the name in Egypt, under
the XXIInd d}Tiasty, which it has been conjectured was of
Assyrian origin, the proper name Namm-ot is met with more
than once ; and this gives us a clue to the interpretation of
the difficulty before us. Eg^-ptian mfluence has long been
recognised in the ethnological table of Genesis ; the list of
the sons of Mizraim alone would show that some portion at
least of the information has been derived fi-om Egypt. Now
Nimrod {Nimrudu) would be a niphal derivative, formed in

^ Tlie more the Babylonian mytbology is examined the more solar is its
origin found to be ; thus confirming the results arrived at in the Aryan and
Semitic fields of research. It is true that Ann, the son of " mother Heaven,"
■was the Sky, and Hea, with his symbol the serpent, was primarily the Earth,
whence he came to be the god of rivers as well as of the house and heart li, and of
building generally ; but the other great deities, so far as I can see at present,
seem all to go back to Ihe Sun. Thus, Adar or Nm-ip, the god of the thunder-
bolt and stoi-mcloud, is called " the Sun of the South " (W.A.I. II, 57, 51) ;
Raman, or ^ther, is "the meridian Sun in Elam " (11,57, 76), Nebo is the
"Eastern Sun" in "the height of heaven" (I, 58, 13, II, 48, 55), identified

with the Aryan Mitra {(^X^ ^^! ^^TT) '" ^^^' ^^' ^^' ^"^ ^^
(>->-Y *"~^^YY), the god of "the foundation," wliom I would compare
with the Al-orus of Berosus, signifies the "West" (1,58, 13) ; while Gisdhubar
whose stoi-y is told in the tablets which contain the Chaldean account of the
Deluge, is a solar hero, as Sir 11. Eawlinson has pointed out.

Nimrod and the Assyrian Inscriptions. 247

full accordance with the principles of Assyrian grammar;
and when once Amar-ud had become Marud, with a detinite
meaning of its own, it would only be consistent with the
ordinary procedure of Assyi-ian to treat the word as a Semitic
root, and assimilate its form to its signification. Thus the
Assyrian borrowed hharra " man " from the Accadian under
the Semitised form khairu, and then derived from this khiratu
"woman." In fact, when once one of the numerous loan-
words which made their way from the old language of
Chaldeea into Assyrian had become part and parcel of that
language, then- further modification, according to the spirit
of Semitic grammar, followed as a matter of course. If,
therefore, Amar-ud were borrowed by the Assyrian, and we
know that the longer form Amar-uduci was, there is no
difficulty in understanding how it came to appear as a niplial
derivative, partly on account of the meaning, partly to com-
pensate for the lost initial vowel.

Besides these three main pomts of identification, there
are one or two other characteristics of the Biblical Nimrod
which must not be passed over. It is said of him that " he
began to be a mighty one (gihhor) in the earth " ; and this
again suits Merodach well. Merodach alone of the gods is
symbolised by the human figure — a man walking — which
perhaps had much to do with his being identified by the
Greeks with then- Zeus. But more than this. In the -mytho-
logical tablets he is called Gusur (W.A.I. II, 47, 23), possibly
connected with the common root gasru "strong," and this
is rendered "Merodach the hero" (>*-] <^ ^| j^ *PTy»f:);
while as Dun-pa-uddu, the name which the planet Mercury
bears during the month Nisan, his title is sanu nis Kharrana

(B^ ^^ B^]] *^^]) "lo^^ of *^® ™6n of Haran"
(III, 67, 28). This connection of Harran with the star-
worship and astrology of the Accadians is interesting.
Besides being " a mighty one," Nimrod, we are told, reigned
in " the beginning " over Babylon, Erech, Accad, and Calneh,
in the land of Shinar. The phrase is a remarkable one, and,
as has long ago been pointed out, agrees better with the
idea of a dynasty or a tutelary deity than of an mdividual
monarch. Now the cycle of tablets which Mr. Smith has

248 Nimrod and the Assynan Inscriptions.

discovered, and whicli contain the famous account of the
Deluge, mention but four cities, Babylon, Erech, Nipur, and
Sinippac, thus coincidmg with the enumeration of Genesis.
All these cities lay in the alluvial plain between the Tigris
and Euphrates, which would accordingly be the Shinar of
Scriptm-e, Ur on the western bank of the Euphrates being
excluded from the Hst. Surippac would seem to be a
gynonyme of Larsa, the modern Mugeyer, smce the hero of
the Chaldean flood is called a Surippacite, and Berosus
assigns the father of Sisuthrus to Larancha, while Calueh,
or Kakavvrf^^ " the town of Anu," has already been identified
with Nipur by Sir H. Rawlinson. Accad must be corrected,
as it was not a city, but a country, the " highlands " of Elam,
whence the Accadai descended and conquered Babylonia,
which up to that time would seem to have borne the name
of Sumiri or Slunar. Just as the list of cities in Genesis
begins with Babylon, so are the antediluvian kings of
Berosus headed by Alorus the Babylonian, and along with
the supremacy of Babylon would go the supremacy of the
god Merodach, whose " gate " and home it was.

The only remaining piece of mformation that the passage
in Genesis gives us about Ninn-od, is that he was the sou of
Gush. Here there is a discrepancy between the Scriptural
hero and the Babylonian god. Merodach was "the eldest
son of Hea"; wliile as a planet when called Dil-gan he Avas
" the spu'it of Hea" (IH, 68, 13), and in the month Adar he
was " the fish of Hea." Cusu, on the other hand, was one
of " the fourteen great gods, the sous of Anu," and, con-
sequently, according to Babylonian theology, the cousin of
Merodach. Cush, however, is a geographical title, and best
receives its explanation from Gen. ii, 13, where the Gihon,
which I have shown elsewhere^ to be a synonyme of the
Euphrates, is said to encompass the whole land of Cush.
The statement that "(3ush begat Nimrod" would merely
assert his Babylonian origin.

' Tills is the name of the city in the Septuagint. Kal or Kalla 9»~ >-^Y
was one of the Acoadian words for " town," according to W.A.I. II, 30, 14.
2 Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaiology, Vol. I, Part 2, p. 300.

Nimrod and the Assynayi Inscriptions. 249

So far, then, as our evidence goes at present, it seems to
me that we must regard the identification of Nimrod with
Merodach as fairly made out. The comparison has been
made before on the mere ground of similarity of name, by
Von Bohlen, who saw in him Merodach-Baladan, the opponent
of Sargon and Sennacherib, and by Chwolsohn, who would
connect the Nunrod of Ibn Wahshiya with the Mardok-entes
of Berosus.

250

TRANSLATION OF AN EGYPTIAN HYMN
TO AMEN.

By C. W. Goodwin, M.A.
Read Qth May, 1873.

I OFFER to the Society a translation of a Hymn to Amen,
from a hieratic pappais lately published by M, Mariette,
being No. 17 of the Boulaq Collection of Pappi. It is not
a very long composition, being contained in eleven pages of
moderate size, and consisting of only twenty verses. It has
the advantage of being nearly perfect from beginning to end,
written in a legible hand, and free from any great difficulties
for the translator. From tlie handwriting of the pappus
it may be judged to belong to the XlXth dynasty, or about
the fourteenth century B.C. It purports to be only a copy,
and the composition itself may be very much earlier. I
presume it will be thought interesting to compare this
specimen of Egyptian psalmody with some of those in the
Hebrew collection, with which it may seem to have some
points in common. The recognition of one sole creator and
governor of the earth and all its inhabitants, is, we shall find,
quite familiar to the Egyptians, whose rehgious views were
little comprehended by the Greek and Roman writers, who
until recently were our principal authorities. They were
principally struck by the external parts of the Egyptian
worship, and particularly by the veneration of sacred animals,
which was a sore puzzle to them, and afforded a subject for
much ridicule. Probably the well-instructed Egyptians no
more worshipped as gods crocodiles, ibises, and cats than
the Dutch do storks or than we do the animals in the
Zoological Gardens, though they certainly paid them much
honour, as religious symbols. The central doctrine in
Egyptian religion was Sun-worship. The Sun, with whom

Translation of an Egi/ptian Hymn to Amen. 251

Amen, the old local god of Thebes, was identified, was
looked upon as the soiu'ce of all being, the father of men and
things. This religion appears to have been engrafted upon
an older one existmg in Egypt in the primaeval period, and
which probably consisted in the worship of ancestors, while
it also recognised various animals as the tutelary ancestors
of certain cities, much as the North-American Indian tribes '
venerate their totems, or beast-ancestors. A trace of this
substitution of the solar religion for a prior one is found in
our hymn, where Amen the Sun, although celebrated as the
creator of all things, is yet said to be begotten by Ptah, the
primgeval local god of Memphis. This agrees with the
account of Manetho, who says that Hephsestus, that is Ptah,
was the first (king or god) of the Egyptians, and was cele-
brated as the discoverer of fire, — from whom sprang the Sun ;
after whom was Agathodsemon ; then Cronos ; then Osuis ;
after Osiris his brother Typhon ; and lastly Horus, the son of
Isis and Osiris.

This mythological account implies the view that the
worship of Ptah and similar local gods was the earliest phase
of religion in Egypt ; that the worship of the Sun followed,
and that the Osuian creed, the salvation of the bodies and
souls of men, by identification with the king slain and after-
wards exalted to be the judge of the dead, was the last
introduced.

The solar creed did not entirely efface the more primitive
religion, nor did the Osuian scheme in any way interfere
with the adoration of the Sun as the one god of the universe.

In the hymn which I am about to read, no mention what-
ever is made of Osiris, but we find the names of Horus and
of Thoth. The two legends of the contest of the Sun with
Darkness, and of Osiris with Set, the enemy of truth, were
parallel the one to the other, and we find them in the
seventeenth chapter of the Ritual placed side by side and
identified. In our hymn the solar religion is alone con-
spicuous, but without being in opposition to or exclusive of
the Osirian dogma. The imagery is of a stereotyped kind,

' See Diodorus Siculus, Book I, cap. 90, for an explanation of Animal-
worsliip.

Vol. II. 17

252 Translation of an Egyptian Hymn to Amen.

and in variety and sublimity foils for short of the old Hebrew
psalms. Yet there is a certain fervoui- of adoration which
commands respect. The ^a-iter seems as though language
failed him to express all he felt, and he repeats over and
over again the Avell used epithets which preceding writers
had furnished, and most of which had probably been handed
down from very early times. We should be able to appreciate
them better were we in full possession of the legends to
which most of them relate.

The title of "Bull," frequently applied to Amen, is a
common epithet, implying youth, strength, and valour; and
the phrase "bull of liis mother" means, I believe, the valiant
son of his mother. In the D'Orbiney Papyrus, Batau is
addressed as " bull of the cycle of the gods," meaning, I
think, "son of the gods;" and on one of the obelisks
Rameses II is called "the bull of Sutech," i.e., the vahant
sou of Sutech.

In the second verse of our hymn Amen is called "beautiful
bull of the cycle of gods," and to call him the son of the
gods who is in the same breath styled father of the gods
may appear inconsistent, but I have before remarked that
the Sun, though here adored as the creator of all things,
is yet expressly called " the begotten of Ptah." To the
Egyptians there seems to have been nothing unintelligible m
this confusion of father and son. Upon the coffin of King
Seti I. we find these very words put in the mouth of Ra or
Turn: — " I am the son proceeding from the father, I am the
father proceeding from his son" (Bonomi, pi. 4, cols. 12, 13,
14, 15, lower range).

In the original, the beginning of each verse is indicated
by rubricated letters. Each verse is also divided into short
plu-ases by small red points. These are indicated in the
translation by colons.

A few philological notes, interesting only to the Egypto-
logist, are added at the end.

Translation of an Egyptian Hymn to Amen. 253

BouLAQ Papyrus, No. 17.

1. Praise to Amen-Ra : tlie bull in An (Heliopolis) chief of all

gods : the good god beloved : giving life to all animated
things : to all fair cattle : Hail to thee Amen-Ra lord of
the thrones of the earth : chief in Aptu (Thebes) : the
bull of his mother in his field : turning his feet towards
the land of the south : lord of the heathen, prince of
Punt (Arabia): the ancient of heaven, the oldest of the
earth: lord of all existences, the support of things, the
support of all things.

2. The ONE in his works, single (?) among the gods: the

beautiful bull of the cycle of gods : chief of all the gods ;
lord of truth, father of the gods : maker of men, creator of
beasts : lord of existences, creator of fruitful trees : maker
of herbs, feeder of cattle : good being begotten of Ptah,
beautiful youth beloved : to whom the gods give honour :
maker of things below and above, enlightener of the
eartli : sailing in heaven in tranquillity : King Ra tnie
speaker, chief of the earth: most glorious one, lord of
teiTor : chief creator of the whole earth.

3. Supporter of affau's above every god : in whose goodness
the gods rejoice : to whom adoration is paid in the great
house : crowned in the house of flame : whose fragrance
the gods love : when he comes from Arabia : prince of
the dew, traversing foreign lands : benignly approaching
the Holy Land (Palestine or Arabia).

4. The gods attend his feet : whilst they acknowledge his

Majesty as their Lord : lord of terror most awful :

greatest of sphits, mighty in : brmg offerings,

make sacrifices : salutation to thee maker of the gods :
supporter of the heavens, founder of the earth.

5. Awake in strength Mm (Chem) Amen : lord of eternity

maker everlasting : lord of adoration, chief in :

strong with beautiful horns : lord of the crown high
plumed : of the fair turban (wearing) the white crowm :
the coronet (Mahennu) and the diadem (Uati) are the
ornaments of his face: he is invested with Ami-ha(?):

254 Translation of an Egyi-ttian Ilximn to Anun.

the double crown is his head-gear, (he wears) the red
crown : benignly he receives the Atef-crown : on whose
south and on whose north is love : the lord of life
receives the sceptre: lord of the breastplate (?) armed
with the whip.

6. Gracious ruler crowned with the white crown: lord of
beams maker of light : to whom tlie gods give praises :
Avho stretches forth his arms at his pleasure : consuming
his enemies with flame : whose eye subdues the -vvicked :
sending forth its dart to the roof of the firmament :
sendhig its arrows (?) against Naka to consmne him.

7. Hail to thee Ra lord of truth : whose shrine is hidden, lord

of the gods : Chepra (the creator) in his boat : at whose
command the gods were made : Athom maker of men :
supporting their works, giving them life : distmguisliing
the colour of one from another : listening to the poor who
is in distress : gentle of heart w^hen one cries unto him.

8. Deliverer of the timid man fi-om the violent : judging
the poor, the poor and the oppressed : lord of wisdom
whose precepts are wise: at whose pleasure the Nile
overfloAvs : lord of mercy most loving : at whose coming
men live : opener of every eye : proceeding from the fir-
mament: causer of pleasure and light: at whose goodness
the gods rejoice : their hearts revive when they see him.

9. 0 ! Ra adored in Aptu (Thebes) : high-crowned in the
house of the obelisk (Heliopo]is) : King (Ani) lord of the
New-moon festival : to whom the sixth and seventh days
are sacred : sovereign of life health and strength, lord of
all the gods : who art visible in the midst of heaven :

ruler of men : whose name is hidden from his

creatures : in his name which is Amen (hidden).

10. Hail to thee who art in tranquillity : lord of magnanimity
strong in apparel : lord of the crown high plumed : of the
beautiftd turban, of the tall white crown : the gods love
thy presence: when the double crown is set upon thy
head : thy love pervades the earth : thy beams arise (?)

men are cheered by thy rising: the beasts

shruik from thy beams: thy love is over the southern
heaven: thy heart is not [unmindful of] the northern

Iranslation of an Egyptian Ilijmn to Amen, 255

heaven : thy goodness (all) hearts : thy love

subdues (all) hands : thy creations are fair overcoming
(all) the earth : (all) hearts are softened at beholding thee.

11. The ONE maker of existences : (creator) of

maker of beings : from whose eyes mankind proceeded :
of whose mouth are the gods : maker of grass for the
cattle (oxen, goats, asses, pigs, sheep): fruitful trees for
men : causing the fish to live in the river : the birds to
fill the air : giving breath to those in the eg^ : feeding
the bh'd that flies : giving food to the bird that perches :
to the creeping thing and the flying thing equally : pro-
viding food for the rats m their holes : feeding the flying
things (?) m every tree.

12. Hail to thee for all these things : the ONE alone with
many hands: lying awake while all men lie (asleep): to
seek out the good of his creatures : Amen sustainer
of all things : Athom Horus of the horizon (Harmachis) :
homage to thee in all their voices : salutation to thee
for thy mercy unto us : protestations to thee who hast
created us.

13. Hail to thee say all creatures : salutation to thee from
every land: to the height of heaven, to the breadth
of the earth: to the depths of the sea: the gods adore
thy majesty : the spirits thou hast created exalt (thee) :
rejoicing before the feet of their begetter : they cry out
welcome to thee : father of the fathers of all the gods :
who raises the heavens who fixes the earth.

14. Maker of beings, creator of existences : sovereign of life
health and strength, chief of the gods : we worship thy
spirit who alone (?) hast made us : we whom thou hast
made (thank thee) that thou hast given us birth: we
give to thee praises on account of thy mercy to us.

15. Hail to thee maker of all beings : lord of truth father of
the gods : maker of men creator of beasts : lord of grams :
making food, for the beast of the field: Amen the beautiful
bull : beloved in Aptu (Thebes) : high crowned in the
house of the obelisk (Heliopolis) : twice turbaned in An :
judge of combatants in the great hall : chief of the great
cycle of the gods.

256 Translation of an Egyptian Hymn to Auien.

16. The ONE alone without peer : chief in Aptu: king over
his cycle of gods : living in tiiith for ever : (lord) of the
hoiizon, Horns of the East : he who hath created the soil
("uath) silver and gold : the precious lapis lazuli at his
pleasure : spices and incense various for ths peoples :
fresh odours for thy nostrils : benignly come to the
nations : Amen-Ra lord of the thrones of the earth : chief
in Aptu : the sovereign on his throne (?).

17. King alone, single(?) among the gods: of many names,
unknown is their number: rising in the eastern horizon
setting in the western horizon : overthrowing his enemies :
dawning on (his) children daily and every day : Thoth
raises his eyes : he delights himself with his blessings :
the gods rejoice in his goodness who exalts those who
are lowly (?) : lord of the boat and the barge : they conduct
thee through the firmament in peace,

18. Thy servants rejoice : beholding the overthrow of the
wicked : his limbs pierced with the sword (?) : fire con-
sumes him : his soul and body are annihilated.

19. Naka (the serpent) saves his feet(?): the gods rejoice:
the servants of the Sun are in peace : An (Heliopolis) is
joyful : the enemies of Athom are overthrown and Aptu
is in peace, An is joyful : the giver of life is pleased : at
the overthrow of the enemies of her lord : the gods of
Kher-sa make salutations : they of the Adytum prostrate
themselves.

20. They behold the mighty one in his strength : the image
of the gods of truth the lord of Aptu : in thy name of
doer of justice : lord of sacrifices, the bull of offerings :
in thy name of Amen the Bull of his mother : maker of
men : causing all things which are to exist : in thy name
of Athom Chepra (creator) : the great Hawk making
(each) body to rejoice : benignly making (each) breast
to rejoice : type of creators high crowned : . . . (lord) of
the wing : Uati (the diadem) is on his forehead : the
hearts of men seek him : when he aj)pears to mortals :
he rejoices the earth with his goings forth : Hail to thee
Amen-Ra lord of the thrones of the world : beloved of
his city when he shines forth.

Finished well, as it was found {in the original).

Translation of an Eyyptian Hynut to Amen. 257

Notes to Boulaq Papyrus, No. 17.

Page 1, line 2. ^^ 2 '^ . — ^ p ^^ (1 J ^^ " giving

life to all animated things." The word 0 ^^ J, I means
originally "warmth"; whence it has the secondary sense of
refreshment or encouragement. Thus in 1 Anast. -/
t;^p:2|— .^^^^ "thou givest refresh-
ment (or encouragement) to the labourers," Here, however,
the word must have a different meaning, namely, that which
is nourished or has animal warmth. One cannot be far
wrong in translating it " animated things."

Page 1, line 3. {J ^ ^'^ t ^ "^ ^^ '"''-^-^^'
" bull of his mother." This phrase, translated by Champollion
and others " husband of his mother," probably means
"valiant son of liis mother." In line 5 we find the epithet

LI *^ ^'^ I ^^^ • ^ 111 ^ ' " ^^^' ^^^^ ^^ ^^^^ society

of gods," which may mean "fair son of the gods." The
same epithet is applied to Batau in the story of the Two
Brothers.

Page 1, Ime 4. ^ I i^ "? 1 ^ "^ j ^-*-' " ^^^ land
of the Matau," It is not known exactly where the nation of
the Matau was. These people were in early times introduced
into Egypt as mercenaries, and their name became synony-
mous with soldiers, whence the Coptic JUL^TOI. In the
papyrus 2 Sail. -5^, Amenemha I. says that he employed the
Matau. In our papyrus the word seems used for foreigners
or suiTOunding nations generally, and we may translate it
" heathen."

Page 1, line 5. ^^ Vw,^ HI ^j ^^^^^ ptn'ase,
which occurs again in p. 9, line 3, is difficult to explain^
unless we give to 1/ | »ia, a very different meaning from
that which it usually has, viz., like, equal. It appears rather
to mean single, alone, without equal. The phrases ^\dth
which it is coupled, viz. ^Tl ^ 7^ '^—^ "alone in his

258 Translation of an Eijyptian Hymn to Amen.

works," and 1 J^ ^ ^^ i ^ " kiiig alono," indicate this.

It is possible that the word may be thus used in the
mysterious passage in the Ritual, chaj). 17, line 47, wliere
the name of Ma or ]\Iau {i.e., the Cat) given to the Sun is
thus explained :—" The Sun is called Ma (Cat) according
to the saying of Sa (the genius of Avisdom) li I i ^

i.e. He is unique (u J ma) amongst the tilings which he hath
made, therefore his name shall be Mau (Cat)."

Page 1, Ime 7. I^ — ^ V" f^, "wood of life."
The word ¥ 'T^ *5& i ankhu, means flowers or garlands.
But we must probably take ^ ^ ^ the determinative of
vegetation as belonging not to V '^^^ alone, but to the
whole group ^^ ■ — ^ ? ^T*^ "wood of hfe," which means
a fruit-bearing tree, furnishing food to man. The phrase
occurs again, p. 6, line 4.

Page 1, line 7. ^*^ ' ? vj " begotten of Ptah." This
accords mth Manetho's account of the gods who first reigned
over Egypt, Ptah or Hephaestus being the fu'st, and after
him Ra, the Sun, his son.

Page 2, line 2. ^^ (3)l ^ 1' ^<^?ri-
We here have the expression ^^ i "^ ^ "^^"^'^^^^ applied
to the king Ra, ruler of both lands, and the ordinary transla-
tion "justified" is inapplicable. I refer to the excellent
dissertation of the late M. Deveria, m the " Recueil des
travaux relatifs a la philologie et I'archcologie Egypticnnes
et Assyriennes," Vol, I, p. 10, for the explanation of this
word, wliich means truth-speaking, and thence persuasive
and triumphant in argument or contest. In this sense the
epithet is applicable to the Sun, the lord of hght, the bringer
to light of all obscure or doubtful things and exposer of all
falsity. "Triumphant" is a g<-»od translation of this word.

Translation of an E(jyptian Hymn to Amen. 259

Page2,lme3. Z.^ \ ^^'TT, ^ 13 ^
The word J^ }^jt \ te)i, is preserved in the Coptic
TCOOTrt sustiiiere. It occurs again in our papyrus, p. 4,

n ''""'"" -<a>_. 2 '"'""^ 11 ' i' . It would seem to mean here

" to prosper, to forward, to support, maintain." In the
translation I have adopted the word "support."

Page 2, line 4. n jN n and n fi n the great house
of the Ancient, and the great house of Flame, appear to be
merely mythological and symbolical names, and not to belong
to any earthly localities. See Brugsch Geog. pp. 296, 297,
and L. B. D., cap. 141, 20.

Page 2, line 5. vW /T^ "^^f^^ khenkhen, has here an
unusual determinative, either a dog or a jackall. The word
occurs with its ordinary determinative a in p. 10, line 3.
The meaning is, according to Brugsch Lex., p. 1095, " to
have access to." The determinative dog, seems to indicate
the meaning " to follow like a dog."

Page 3, line 2. ^^^^ i w^ men kar-ti. The word

kar-ti for horns, as the determinative indicates, is new
to me.

Pages, line 3. - g ^ T, ^ + k» D. V '^''^«

word kama-tuf is unknown to me, but according to the
context it should mean "he is crowned or invested with."
The name of the diadem or robe is ami-ha, which means
" belonging to the house." I do not recollect seeing the
title elsewhere, but similar compounds with -I- %k vn
"beloiiging to," are very numerous.

Page 3, line 5. -^^ %k. ^^^ R h • The word maks,
determined by a stone or parallelogram-shaped object, is
new to me, and perhaps means a breast-plate.

Page3,lme7. tl^ T J P k P f ^ ^ ^:

" sending its dart to the roof of the lirmament." Tlie word
translated " roof" is H "^^ -'— ^ ^ skhap, but the initial M

2()() Translation of an Egyptian Ilymn to Amen.

ai)pears to be a mistake, and the word is properly
'^ — -t— ^ ^ khap. It occurs in Leyden Papyrus 344 revers,

/— N <z=> n n a. <5 — *4l *** ' — '

p. B, Ime 8. ^ . H 3^ , ^ 5 .-, =:
" she whose Hame is in the vault of the firmament." The
Avord corresponds to the Coptic KeKH, or KHne camera,
fornix. KHTie-U-pajq is the palate or roof of the mouth.
This explams the determinatives -^—^ the tongue, and ^
the figure A\dth hand to mouth, which are added to "^ khap.
The primitive meaning is evidently "the palate." Cicero,
de Natura Deorum, quotes fi-om Ennius the expression
" coeh palatum," for the vault of heaven. The word occurs
again in our papyrus, p. 6, line 5, ^ »— i " the vault of
heaven " ; and hi p. 9, line 7, Ave have the verb fl "^ *— <; ^
skhap to taste.

Page 4, lines. -^ _ I ^ \ ^ . ^-^^ k

I • • ' " Thou hearest the supplication of him

who is in misery." The word I V ]|^ J^ nemlm means
"weak, poor, or Ioav," With the causative prefix —**— , it
means to humiliate or oppress. In the present passage,
it may mean self-abasement, and hence the humble cry

of supphcation. J ^_^ ^ hutennu, is a Avord of

rather rare occurrence, and must mean torture or misery,

L.B.D.40,3, \\ pp^» V - ^ !j: j:r: -

•'thou art punished in the place of torture," 2 Sail, f

^ I '^ '^^^ HjP Pi''^ J * '*^ "^^^ " ^^ *^"" ^^^^

it (learning), (for it) wards off misery." In each of these
cases the determinative is a different one. For the closely
related word J ^^ bandit, robber, see Brugsch Lex.

p. 445.

Page 5, line 2. i.^^-^I^^T ^^

I • ic ^ " The king, lord of the first day

of the month, to Avhom the Gth and 7th days are sacred."

Tlie sign Avhich I transcribe ^^ is the hieratic form of the

numeral nine, Avliich here replaces the usual form ©, nine, in

Translatiun of an Eyiipiiaii llijmn to Amen. 261

the expression ©'"^ ^ the name of the first day of the
month. See Brugsch, Materiaux pour servir a la reconstruc-
tion du Calench-ier des anciens Egyptiens (Plate IV. A, 1;.
The name appears to mean the festival of the Paut or
Ennead (of gods).

Page 5, line 3. ^ * ^ ^-^^ J I | ? ^ . The

words I <? ^^ au kar are unintelligible to me, and the
text is apparently faulty.

Page5,lme7. J^ ilVlV^i JLT/fi-^

The word J ^_^_^ ^ ^ means "to sink down with
fatigue." See Brugsch Lex. p. 446. The meanmg of the
passage appears to be, " the cattle shrink from thy beams."
In page 6, line 1, we have the causative form in the sense
of "subdue." By a transposition, perhaps accidental, of
the letters, it is written ^^. J •^s*' (^ "^ instead of

Page6,line3. ^T'^^^f)^! k ^^T

Frequent allusions are made in the texts to the production
of created things from the eyes of Ra or of Horus. Noxious
things were supposed to be produced from the eye of Set
or Typhon.

Page 6, line 4. .^^.^^^ ^^^^^„^ menmen, animals, cattle. In the
papyrus tliis word is determined by five figures of beasts,
the ox, the goat, the ass, the hog, and the sheep, the principal
domesticated animals of the Egyptians.

Plate 6, line 5. P^'T^'^J^V''^*' — ' ^^^^^^V^

Ave should read here for /— ^, which has no meaning:,

■1^ winged, or flying. The ideograph s»^ must be

taken for g s»^ apt, bfrd. Such an omission of the

phonetics is very unusual in hieratic, and is probably an
error of the copyist.

Page 6, line 7. P ?"7 ^ H ^Ti k -^ T- ^1-

word •ill ^^ kai, determined liy a bird, is of doubtful

2 ('2 Translation of an Egyptian Hyrnu to Amen.

meaning. ^11 determined by an angle of land,

means a meadow or high land; and perhaps this meanuig
may belong to the word in this place, though we should
rather expect some living thing to be mentioned.

Page8,linel. *V!ll. H * \ H^ ^ l\

"^ "adoration to thy spirit, thou who hast created us."
The word l; 1 ma is used in an unusual way here. See
the note on p. 1, line 5. Perhaps here we might translate
"thou Avho alone has created us."

Page 9, li.e 6. P ^ Jv, "^^ H^^^ ^ C \- If

The word ^^ ra *^^ \^». "^ seems to be connected with
n]l|k •^-sq (Brugsch Lex. p. 911), and may mean depres-
sion, or the state of being cast down. The lock of hau- is
determinative of the idea of grief, mourning.

Page9,Hne7. p ^ '^ ^ I -Tt, ^ V^ ^

We have here the verbal form of ^ ■«— ^ 3 the palate

(see note to p. 3, line 7), with causative y prefixed. The
meaning may be to taste, "The sword tastes his limbs."
Compare the use of the word "^^ -•— «; ^ tep, to taste, in

such phrases asY^T^^I*;^^ | ^^7
(3 Sail, f ), " I will cause my hand to taste them."

Pag.^10, line 1. pp^'^l ^"^^ ^

4«p«v ||^ » ^^y '^-— " His soul is consumed with his body."

The word ^V- i ha, soul, followed by ^^, the symbol
of mortality and destruction, is remarkable. The group
is found in L.B.D. 17, 37, in Leyden Pap., 348f, and in
a passage from Description d'Egypte, V, 40, quoted by
M. Brugsch, Lex. p. 1(542. It also occurs j)assini in Bfrliii
Pap. in. It expresses tlie mortal or destructible part of
man's soul. The divine or innuortal soul is expressed by
^■(W ^ witli the determinative of deity. 2 Sharpe,
Egyp. Insc. 76I\1, 15, 21.

Translation of an Eyyptian Hymn to Amen. 263

Page 10, line 6. ^ :n K^ V I U -• '^ :!\j \
" Lord of food, bull of offerings." Tlie word ha '' bnll," is
here (see note on p. 1, line 3) used in a very iu definite sense.
" Bull of offerings " means only " he to whom offerings
are made." Ka, bull, is here in parallelism with ^^^' neh^
lord, and is used exactly in the same way ; the phrase " lord
of food " meaning nothing more than " he who is fed." The
Hebraist will remember such expressions as ^^3 ^J^5- lord
of the wing, i.e. winged, D|'5'ljp 7^^^ lord of the horns,
i.e. horned, and a variety of others. The Egyptians used
^^^' 7ieb, lord, precisely similarly, and a considerable number
of such phrases could be produced. It is worthy of remark
that in many inscriptions of the Ptolemaic and Roman times
*^^ is used to express the sound neb, not however m its
sense of "lord," but in the adjective sense, all.

2CA

NOTES FROM BORNEO, ILLUSTRATIVE OF
PASSAGES IN GENESIS.

By Alex. JMackenzie Cameron.
Head 2nd Becemher, 1873.

It is veiy interesting to come upon remains and ruins,
traditions, names and peculiarities, which confirm Biblical
accounts, especially those earlier records which are to be
found in the Book of Genesis. These accounts are dear to
us, not only as being furnished in the volume which has been
called "the charter of our salvation"; but also as being
the only reliable historical notice of pre-historic times, and
which once lost, would pluQge us into the most unpenetrable
darkness regarding the early history of our race. It is, thus,
a two-fold pleasure we experience when the accounts of the
first Book of Moses are confii-med to us by the researches of
patient and learned scholars, and the discoveries of fortunate
travellers.

I am fortunately enabled to add a few stones to the
great building of independent, undoubted, and concurrent
testimony to the history of the Book of Genesis, the testi-
mony coming fifom the far-ofi", isolated, and semi-barbarous
Island of Borneo.

It cannot be my intention here to go into a pliysical or
descriptive account^ of this great island, twice the size of
Great Britain, lying midway between the Indian and Pacific
Oceans, or of the various interesting races who people it.
But I have found two traditions there held by the Dyaks —
supposed to be the aboriginal inhabitants — and a few other

' This has already been done by me in Casscll's Illustrated Travels for
1872 and 1873.

New Testwiony to the Mosaic History. 265

things, which are strangely confirmative of several very
interesting and important particulars in the Book of Grenesis.

The first tradition is one relating to a great Deluge, and
relates what part the great ancestor of the Dyaks took in it.
There was a great general inundation when the ancestors of
the human family — of the Chinese, Malays, and Dyaks—
apparently dwelt together. The three had to swim for their
lives, and all three came safe to land again. A story here
appears to be foisted on to the original account. The Dyak,
it is stated, took most care of his weapons of Avarfare ; while
the Chinaman took care of his books. Hence the former lost
the art of letters ; whilst the latter lost the art of fighting.

The second tradition tells us that, at a very early period
of Dyak history, a great ancestor of the Dyaks determined
to construct a ladder by which he could climb up to heaven.
It is stated that he went on with his work, and got up pretty
high, when suddenly one night a worm eat into the foot of
the ladder, and brought it all down.

Here, then, we have two undoubted, original, and inde-
pendent confirmations of the Bible accounts of the great
Deluge and the Tower of Babel.

The third fact I have to furnish from Dyak-land for the
service of Biblical Archaeology is a most curious and remark-
able one. One of the only two names for the Supreme
Being among the Dyaks is Yaouah. Tliis is remarkable, as
isolated from the current of the world's knowledge, not
getting the name even from the later Chinese or Malay
mariners, these Dyaks should still have the same historical
name of the Supreme Being, that, according to the results of
modern criticism, was one of the two earliest names of Deity
even before the Deluge. The form of the name, too, comes
nearest to what modern critics have determined for what we
read as Jehovah in our Bibles. Can it, then, be possible
that the AvorshijD of Jehovah by our early progenitors was
a myth invented by Moses or subsequent writers ? Rather,
do we not find here one more testimony added to that of
many others, that God was actually worshi23ped at the
earliest periods of human history as Yahveh ? Of His
knowledge and worship, thus, there is an unbroken con-

266 New Testimony to the Mosaic History.

tiuuity from the time that men " began to call themselves
Jehovites" down to the present; and this is most con-
solatory.

Lastly, I would state together five other facts from Dyak-
land, which confirm statements and inferences of the Book
of Genesis, and which serve equally with the traditions and
name of God mentioned above, to refer the Dyaks them-
selves to the very highest antiquity. They believe in one
great and good Almighty Spirit — the Supreme Being ; and
also in a powerful and malignant Evil Spirit. The worship
of the Dyaks is carried on without temples, or a peculiar
priestly class. And there is no idolatry. The statements
of the Book of Genesis, and what we may infer from them,
show us the worship of Jehovah carried on without the
agency of a peculiar priestly class, and A\atliout temples ;
while the memory of the "old serpent" — the Devil — must
still have remained fresh. There were no "idols," till we
come to the very late period of the history of the immediate
progenitors of the Hebrews ; and then we may say we begin
at once with the initial processes of idols, temples, &c., in
the sacred teraphim, groves, &c.

267

THE IDENTITY OF OPHIR AND TAPROBANE, AND
THEIR SITE INDICATED.

By Alex. Mackenzie Caivieron.
Read Qth May, 1873.

In determining the site of Taprobane, we have to notice
that there are two distinct periods m which it is mentioned ;
and a thu-d period when the site, with the name itself,
have utterly vanished. With this third period it is clear
we have no concern. The first period is that of the
early and ancient writers from the time of Alexander the
Great to that of the Emperor Claudius. It embraces notices
from Onesicritus, Megasthenes, and Pliny. They all use
no other name than that of Taprobane. They furnish every
possible detail regarding it. They had themselves either
seen it, or lived near it, or conversed with its inhabitants.
This period we may term the period of certain and personal
knowledge.

The second period embraces the time from Ptolemy to
that of Cosmas Indico-pleustes, late on into the Christian
era. The former, referring to Taprobane, states that its
name had been altered to Salike ; the latter, who lived mayiy
centuries after, takes especial care several times to impress it
on his readers that the island called Sielendib by the Indians
(Ceylon) was the Taprobane of the earher Greeks. Ptolemy
adduces no trustworthy authority (he wrote from mere
hearsay), and furnishes no facts to prove that Sahke —
supposed to be the same as Sielendib — -had before been
called Taprobane. On the contrary, we know from earlier
Hindu history that Salike, Sielendib, or Ceylon emerged first
into notice as Lanka, or Sinhala-dwipa, and these are the
Vol. II. 18

268 The identity of Ophir and Taprohane,

names it has ever since borne. In the time of Cosmas the
name itself had vanished !

It is to the first period — the period of certainty, precision,
and persona] knowledge — that we have to restrict ourselves ;
and we shall find it amply to satisfy every requirement.

The writers of this period who speak of Taprobane are
Onesicritus, Eratosthenes, Megasthenes, Hipparchus, Strabo,
and Pliny. Onesicritus states that Taprobane was 5,000
stadia in length. This is confirmed by the rest ; ^ but Pliny
learned from his informants, natives of the country itself,
who were ambassadors to the Roman Empne, that the
land was considerably greater, the breadth alone from west
to east being 10,000 stadia. We have no reason to doubt
the accmacy of either statement, as between the time of
Alexander the Great and Claudius there is an interval of
several centmies, and the tendency of maritime states is
always to enlarge their borders, e.g., early Greece, T}Te and
Carthage, Holland, England, &c. Indeed, these ambassadors
made one statement of the countiy enjoying two summers
and two wnnters, which clearly show that the empire then
embraced countries on both sides of the equator. These
ambassadors further stated that the monarchy was elective,
and that in the seas about Taprobane there were cetaceous
and other monsters. Megasthenes was the ambassador of
Seleucus Nicator to the com't of the king of the Prachii,
a country which embraced the north-western portion of
modern Bengal, and the capital of which was Palibotlu-a,
which has been identified by Sn William Jones and other
competent scholars as the modern Patna. Megasthenes
describes Taprobane as divided into two parts by a river,
one of them being infested by tigers and elephants, and the
other inhabited by Prachii colonists, and producing gold and
gems. Strabo mentions the boats bemg peculiarly con-
structed, and is confirmed in this by Pliny. The name of
" ballams "' is given to these boats.

The last v\Titer gathered many details from the ambas-
sadors. Taprobane conJ;ained 500 towns and villages, and

' Strabo, lib. ii, c. i and iv; lib. v. Pliny, lib. xxii, c. ii, xxiv, liii.

and their Site indicated. 269

the capital liad a large population of 200,000 souls. There
was a lake in the country from which one river ran by the
capital, and the other northwards towards India. There
were corals, pearls, and precious stones ; the soil was fruitful ;
life was prolonged to more than a hundred years ; there was
a trade with China overland, "the country of the Seres being
visible beyond the Himalaya Mountains." The mode of
trade and barter among the inhabitants themselves was
peculiar, being done at night. The country and people
were maritime and highly commercial. Finally, we may
note that opinion was divided whether Taprobane was an
island or a peninsula.

We have thus facts enough of every kind to guide us.
The site is clearly indicated as somewhere between the Bay
of Bengal and the Himalaya Mountains, but separated fi-om
the Prachii country, and carrying on an overland trade with
the country of the Seres, The monarchy was elective. It
was a large maritime state, owning sovereignty over countries
on both sides of the equator. The natural features of the
country, as well as its productions, are enumerated ; and
there are particular data furnished regarding the great age
of the inhabitants and the peculiar construction of the boats.
The name is Taprobane.

Between the Bay of Bengal and the Himalayas, separated
from the province of Western Bengal or the early Prachii
country, and communicating overland with China or the
Seres country, there will be found, on an accurate and
enlarged map of those parts, a province or state named
Tippera or Teppora, to the east of the modern mouth of the
Ganges, but inland and not opening out on the Bay of
Bengal. This is the ancient Taprobane. Let us see how
this obscure, small, inland state fully satisfies every one of
the numerous particulars we have gathered from the early
Greek and Roman wi'iters.

1. The name itself: Taprobane. — Were an intelligent
native about the mouth of the Ganges asked at the present
day where lay the Tepraban country, he would at once
recognise the name and indicate its du-ection. The country
is generally, ia common parlance, shortened into Tepra or

270 The identity of Ophir and Taprohane,

Tepora,^ or rather the han final is added only for description's
sake. The final han or van is a common suffix in Indian
topographical nomenclatm-e. Thus we have Bindraban,
Mahaban, Chitraban, Soonderban, &c. The country has
never had any other name than this one.

2. It was a large and extensive kingdom. — The state as
it exists at present is only a small principality ; but from
the annals of the kingdom^ we learn that it extended in old
times both westward of its present limits up to the Gangetic
delta, and southward down to the Bay of Bengal, and still
further south-east indefinitely, including the modern parts
of Chittagong and Arrakan.

3. It was a higJdt/ commercial and maritime state, near
the Bay of Bengal. — As will have been seen, it was at the
head of the Bay of Bengal, extending down far south ; and,
further, this was the only maritime state in or near the Bay
of Bengal. It had a considerable traffic by sea with
countries as distant as China, and the last remains of this
sea-going trade may have been seen a quarter of a century
ago, when Cliinese junks ascended up the mouth of the
Ganges and anchored off the inland port of Narain-gunge
(= mart of Neptune, or mart by the sea^), a port which,
from its name, probably occupies its old site as one of the

' Pliuy says that the ambassadors "nho arriTcd at Eome from Taprobane were
sent in consequence of a Eoman vessel having touched at Hij^puros, which is the
very sound of Ophir, or Tepera without the affix t^ about which see lower down.

2 See its native annals, a translation of which is in the possession of Dr. T. A.
Wise, M.D., &c., and who very kindly let the writer have a sight of it. It was
owing to a suggestion from this gentleman that the writer took up the investiga-
tion of the site of Taprobane.

^ This mart is still the centre of the traffic of all Eastern Bengal, Tepera, and
parts north towards Eastern and Southern Assam and Northern Burmah. The
great Baroni (=Varuni = OTo«.soo») Mela or Fair, one held at the commencement
and the other at tlie close of the south-west {traffic) Indian Ocean monsoon, on a
spot not far from this sea mart, is a remnant of very early times. At tliis great
fair, traders from all parts of India and Southern Asia (including Arab, Turkish,
Persian, Burmese, and Chinese merchants') may be seen for more than a month
engaged in busily buying and selling their wares, and the scene in'obably jiresents
(under British sanitary regulations) the same sights now that it did to the early
Hebrew, Phoenician, Egyptian, and Qreck mariners. There is no other such
mart in all the Indian Ocean. Tlie boats about here, sewn with cordage or
rattans, are also called " ballams."

and their Site indicated. 271

seaport towns of the ancient kingdom. The sea-going trade
may also be seen from the native traffic yet carried on (quite
an unusual thing in Asia) between the other seaport towns
of the ancient state — such as Chittagong (= Sat-gaon =
60 villages or townships) and Akyab ^vith the East Indian
Arcliipelago and Chuia ; and in accordance with what we
have stated, and what we may expect to find in a maritune
people and state, it is singular that down even to the time
of the Mahomedan rulers of India, land tenm-es and other
state emoluments were held in these parts on conditions oj
maritime service. Even at the present day the great majority
of Indian mariners (lascars) are drawn from these very parts,
and even ships are turned off the stocks at Chittagong.
There cannot thus be a shadow of doubt as to the site of
the ancient maritime state which lay between the Bay of
Bengal and the Himalayas, separated from the Prachii
comitry, and carrying on an overland trade with the
country of the Seres, about which we shall see more as we
proceed.

4, It lay near the Prachii country, and loas colonised thence.
— That it is situated near that country will be evident at
a glance on the map, and hence, too, probably Megasthenes
could learn of it at Palibothra. Some accounts gave it as
seven days' sail from the shores of India, and this would
correspond with the distance of Tepera from the kingdom of
Palibothra, the intermediate Gangetic delta being ocean.
That this delta, several hundi-ed miles in length and breadth,
was within historic times covered by ocean, is conclusively
demonstrated not only by its alluvial recent formation and
the usual action of the current of large and powerful rivers,
but from the remarkable circumstance that two towns, now
situate hundreds of miles inland, one to the east of the
delta, and the other to its west, are respectively named
Narain-gunge and Naba-dwipa, the former literally signifying
the mai't by the sea, the latter 7iew island. Still further, in
another part, not far fr-om the former of these places, off
the extremely ancient city of Dacca, which carried on a
traffic with the early Roman Empire,' we have a name

' See Dr. J. Taylor's Topography of Dacca, a rai-e and valuable work.

272 The ideMity of Ojyhir and Taprobane,

applied to a reaeli of its river, wliich is most significant.
It is Sachi-bunder (= the trxte port). The word, or suffix,
bunder is applied in India onli/ to seaports. Thus we have
Kurraclii-bunder = the seaport of Kurrachi, Machli-bunder
= the seaport of Masulipatam. Thus, geology and philology
both contribute to show that the ancient maritime state of
Tepera was separated from India by the sea. It must also
be remarked that this is the very part of the Bay of Bengal
which is most subject to the action of terrific typhoons, and
is the north-western termination of the chain of volcanic
action wliich embraces the entire East Indian Archipelago.
These causes alone would explain much of the alterations of
land and sea. A typhoon in these parts only recently has
been known to destroy and submerge a wide district by one
immense sea- wave ; while it is not many years since that
an earthquake m Cachar, to the north of Tepera, entirely
altered the character of the district.

That Tepera was colonised from the Prachii country we
have the following concurrent threefold testimony : — The
fia-st is the records of the state itself,, which show that the
first king named Teppor came fi'om the west. The second is
the language, which is a near relative of the Sanscrit. The
third is the large intermixture of the Hindu element in the
population. The last two are undoubted, and we can
scarcely imagine that the pushing Aryans, who spread aU
over India and north-west as far as Great Britain and the
isles of the Atlantic, should have stopped short at the head
of the Bay of Bengal. Indeed, fi-om Tepera they passed on
to Java and the ends of the East Indian Archipelago.

5. It had an elective monarchy. — Now, this is a very
remarkable statement for an Indian comitry, where absolute
monarchy is the rule ; and it is still more remarkable that
Tepera presents tlie exception — an exception, however, in
such a way as to unite the elective element with the
hereditary in an indirect form. The hen-apparent of Tepera
is not the reigning sovereign's eldest son. There is a. formal
and ceremonial election of the eldest in a collateral line ; and
even if this step has not been taken, or becomes void by
death of the holder of the elective title, the eldest son has

and their Site indicated. 273

no legal right ; * and we can explain the reason of this
setting aside of the natural-born heir and the election of the
heir-apparent. The custom points to the time when the
Prachii first, by force or fraud, gained the domination of the
Tepera state. The custom among the wild tribes to the
north and east and south of Tepera is to elect their chief.
Tepera is the suzerain to which many of these tribes own
allegiance, and the extent of its dominion over these wild
tribes has never been actually defined. It would appear
that when the Prachii colonised the country the inhabitants
and tribes of Tepera were powerful enough to make them
bow to and accept the elective element in the monarchy,^
and yet, with Aryan instinct, the hereditary element was, after
a fashion, preserved when the heir-apparent was selected fit'ora
the eldest in a collateral line. At all events, the first two or
three elections were made thus, to which no objection could
well be made ; and these furnished the rule and precedent
which was continued, the institution being harmonised as
far as possible with the requirements of Hindu law.

6. It enjoyed two summers and tioo tvinters. — Now, this
must have been quite a remarkable statement ; but we can
perceive its Kteral correctness. At the time of this embassy
the maritime state had evidently extended its arms and
colonies to south of the equator. For proof of this we can
adduce the following : — We know that Java was colonised and
held by a Sanscrit-speaking race. This race must have been
necessarily maritime, and also necessarily the state of Tepera
or Taprobane, there being no other maritime Hindu state. ^

' For these facts relating to the election, see a pamphlet called The Great
Tippera Succession Case, in MS., iu the possession of the writer, and based on
records of the High Court, Calcutta, and the Privy Council.

^ The same elective form, though in the natural line, has been imposed on
their Hindu chiefs by other wild tribes in Orissa.

3 Favo\irably situated at the head and eastern shores of the Bay of Bengal,
with the usual tendency of a maritime state, it would have pushed its arms
southwards towards the rich islands of the Archipelago. That it included even
the Island of Ceylon and the adjacent mainland territory of Travancore on the
west there is every reason to believe. Ceylon is known to have been colonised
by Prachii colonists from the head of the Bay of Bengal. Besides, it is a,
remarkable circumstance that Ceylon shovdd have had the name of Sinhala-dwipa

274 The identity of Ophir and Taprobane,

What we have ah-eady stated is confirmed by the
accounts of later Arab geographers/ who mention the
existence of a great maritime empire which inckided Java
and portions of continental India (thus confirming our view
of the union of Travancore with Taprobane), and which
was ruled over by a Maharajah, the usual title of a Hindu
sovereign.

7. The lake ivith tioo nvers. — We have already shown
how vast have been the alterations in the surface and aspect
of several hinidred miles of country at the head of the
Bay of Bengal, and if the ocean itself has disappeared, it is
not strange that the lake itself cannot now be seen ; but we
have the two rivers, one flowmg by Comella and Agour-
toUa (= ancient capital), and the other northward, which we
take to be the former eastern mouth of the Berhampooter. It
is remarkable, too, that both these rivers debouch into what is
at present an inland sea-like portion of the mouth of the
Ganges called the Megna, which, though not Megisva, the

=tlie Island of Lions, when there never has been an animal of that description
there. But the ancient royal seal of the state of Tepera has the figure of a lion
on it. Hence, therefore, it was not only colonised, but in all likelihood got its
name ; and we see, too, here, the reason of Sinhala-dwipa having been sometunea
confounded with Taprobane. It formed one of its colonies or dependencies, the
nearest to the western world of Greeks and Egyptians, and thence came in
later times of mere hearsay to be taken for the original state itself. If a stUl
further very noticeable, though slight, circumstance be taken into consideration,
we shall be yet more confirmed in this view of the maritime connection of Tepera
with Oeylon. In this island there exists down to the present day the same
pecuharly constructed boats, with the same seicing up of planks with cordage, that
we find in use at the various ports of the Tepera kingdom, and called by the same
identical name, hallam. We have also referred to Travancore on the mainland
being included in the maritime dominions of Tepera. We have not here such
abundance of proof as in the case of Ceylon, but the inference that a powerful
maritime kingdom, which had colonised and seized Ceylon, should also seek a
footing on the mainland in the rich neighbouring province of Travancore, is
legitimate ; and this view is borne out by the name itself. This consists of two
parts. Travail and core, the latter being the same word found in Kurrachi,
Corhiga, Coromandel, and others, and supposed to signify a mart or people of
trade; while the former portion is but slightly disguised from Taprobane, the
entire word signifying very probably as we shoidd express it : — " The trading
factory of Taprobane." And we may note that the same kind of boats, and
called hallams, are in use on the Malabar coast.

' Jouiuial Asiatic Society, vol. xlix, p. 206.

and their Site indicated. 275

name assigned to the lake, contains a principal element in
common to both. The two rivers are there, on one of which
the ancient capital is situated, but the lake has disappeared,
or been incorporated with the mouth of the Ganges, where it
is called Megna.*

8. A river divided the country into tivo sections, one wild,
and the other settled and inhabited. — This will be clearly
seen by a glance at the map. It is remarkable that the
river of Cornelia divides the Tepera state into two sections,
one of which is wild and densely covered with forest, while
the other is cultivated and settled, and includes its most
valuable ancient seaports and towns.

9. The country infested with tigers and elephants. — With
reference to the former animal we have only to state that
here is the home of the royal Bengal tiger ; and with
reference to elephants, nowhere else in Asia are these
animals so largely developed and so numerous. For hundreds
of miles eastward of the Gangetic delta we may describe
the country as the home of the Asiatic elephant.

10. Life prolonged to above a hitndred years. — Even at
the present day, in our ignorance of facts, we would be
inclined to suspect that the ambassadors from Taprobane
attemj)ted to impose on Roman credulity. But even in
this most unlikely particular we find the statement strictly
and undeniably correct. The statement is one that is
probably true of no other country in the world than what
lay within the early Tepera state. It is very remarkable
that there are tribes there, at the present day, to the south-
east, many of the individuals of which generally live over a
hundred years. This is so remarkable as to have been noticed
by the oidy writer who has as yet been in those parts, and it
is published in an official statement by him — a responsible
ofi&cer of the Indian Government, specially appointed to
maintain relations with those tribes.^ This fact, like several

' As we have stated, owing to the great alterations in the surface of the land
and sea, no certainty can possibly be arrived at on this point.

2 See Captain Lewin's Hill Tribes of Cliittagong, which appeared first as an
official report, but which has since been made available to the public in a separate
form, slightly altered, we believe.

27G The identity of Ophir and Taprobane,

others we have mentioned previously, has only very recently
come to light.

12. There icas an overland trade tcith the country of the
Seres. — There has been an overland trade with China and
these parts fi-om very ancient times, one due north across
the Himalayas into Thibet, which we take to have been the
one referred to ; and the other due east by way of North
Burmah, where the route is still used as far as the Burmese
capital. The demand for silk stuifs by the ancient Roman
dames was probably largely suppHed by this Taprobane
route. From Tepera and its great marts the silks of Cliina
and the muslin fabrics of Dacca were dispersed over India
generally, and the West. Even if we assume that Egypt,
Rome, Greece, Syria, and Persia were enthely supplied by
overland caravans all the way fi-om China to Persia, which is
not quite likely, we have still the great demand of the vast
Indian continent to be met, which could only have been by
way of Taprobane.

13. The Himalaya Mountains lay contiguons. — The words
used by the ambassadors are such as to imply that the
Himalayas were actually visible ; and fi-om the northern parts
of Tepera, say fi-om the Jynteeah Hills, the snowy range of
the Himalayas can be distinctly seen in all its towering
majesty and glory stretching across the horizon.

14. The peculiar custom of tirade and barter. — This custom
of the Hill Tribes commg in suddenly -s\4th then- wares,
and decamping as suddenly either at night or early before
break of day, is one which is still preserved among these
tribes, " Akkos " and " Nagas," names still borne, and hence
probably transplanted to Ceylon.^

15. There icere cetaceous and other marine monsters in
the seas. — Porpoises, large turtles, and sharks, with whales
towards the south, abound in the Bay of Bengal.

16. The country had a great many toxons and villages. —
We have already noted the existence of large seaport
towns, as Dacca, Narain-gimge, Chittagong, and Akyab.
Besides these there is Agour-tollah, the ancient capital.
Further, we may name Sonar-gao}i (= the City of Gold), and

• See Mahawanso, c. i, 7. Rajavali, p. 169.

and their Site indicated. 277

Manipur (= the City of Gems). All these Avere first-class
cities or toAvns, and they are a great many within such a
comparatively small area, showing the extreme wealth and
settlement of the comitry.^ One of these, Chittagong, is
literally Sat-gaon = Sixty townships or villages, reminding
us of the words of the ambassadors, "five hundred towns
and villages."

17. The soil loas fruitful. — The cultivated plains of
Tepera and south-eastern Bengal still form the granary
of Bengal, a country which, at the last census, is reckoned
to contain nearly seventy millions of inhabitants.

18. Atnong the statural j^'^oductions are enumerated gold,
gems, corals, and peai-ls. — Gold is still washed out of places
in the ancient kingdom. The name of a great city situated
in the ancient kingdom, which was historically noticed till
within only a few centuries back, is Sonar-gaon = the City
of Gold, a very remarkable title, not, we believe, to be
paralleled anywhere else. We shall notice this city again
in connection with Ophir. We have also incidentally noticed
the name of a city in these regions as Manipur = the City
of Gems : and if the dominion of this powerful ancient
state extended over the northern portions of modern
Burmah, as appears in every way probable, the provinces
there are rich in gems. We have already shown that
probably the state extended down far south, including Ceylon
and Java ; and the isles of the Archipelago are rich in corals
and auriferous ore, while Ceylon boasts of pearls and also gems.
But in the rivers near Narain -gunge, which, as we have
shown, were once the bed of the sea, there yet are fished up
pearls of a jyinkish variety, the very kind which the Roman
dames most affected.

We have thus brought to an end our description of this
remarkable ancient maritime state of Tepera or Taprobane,
and abundantly and fully shown how that every detail
and statement made regarding it, even the most singular

* The early Portugese navigators describe another great city of trade, and
full of riches, at the mouth of the Ganges, on the Tepera or eastern side ; but
the very site of it is now unknown. The alterations of sea and land here have
been great, and going on for ages.

278 The id£ntity of Ophir and Taprobane,

aud cui'ious, and on first \dew eitlier exaggerated, absurd, or
impossible, fits here, and here alone. We have the very-
name, the very site, the very maritime condition of the
countiy and population, the very boats, the veiy elective
monarchy, the very wild land and marine animals, the very
customs, the very extent, the very topographical features,
the very productions, the overland trade with China, the two
summers and winters, and the very extraordinary prolonga-
tion of life. Nowhere else^ do we find even half of these,
much less all together. Even the confusion of Ceylon being
taken in later ages for Taprobane, the dim allusions to a
great inter-oceanic and also continental empire, the imjyosing
embassy to Rome, the singular name of Ceylon (Sinhala-
dwipa = Island of Lions) are hereby explained. But what
about the antiquity of this kingdom of Tepera? Its origin
is lost in the dim remote traditions of Hindu mythology !

The sources of our knowledge regarding the site of
Ophir are five: (1) The Hebrew Bible. (2) The Septuagint
version of the same. (3) Josephus, (4) Coptic early lexico-
graphers. (5) Linguistic, from the names of the productions
stated to have been brouglit from Ophir. The four last
somces, as we may expect, confirm the fii'st ; so that they
are all unanimous — they all point to somewhere in or beyond
India.

We take, first, the Linguistic evidence. — This is contained
in the Bible itself. The words used for the several pro-
ductions have been identified as Sanscrit. Just as the
Chaldean words imbedded in the Book of Daniel clearly
pomt to a contact with Babylon ; so these Sanscrit Avords
clearly point out the contact with a Sanscrit-speakmg
people. These may not necessarily have been in the bounds
of the India of the present day, for, as we have seen
previously, Prachii colonists peopled Taprobane. It could
not have been in Java, for, as will be seen when we treat of
Sheba, Java was not Ophir, though the boundaries of the
two maritime and insular empires must have interlaced each

> We need hardly say that Sir J. Emerson Tcnnant's Ceylon does not fulfil
many of the most direct and essential conditions, nor indeed any other land
save Tepera.

and their Site indicated. 27J5"^

other. We reserve the philological argument derived from
the name of Tepra or Tepora (as well as several other
remarkable names) for its proper place, when we come to
see how Tepora or Taprobane satisfies all the details
regarding Ophir.

Secondly, early Coptic lexicographers. — These have coCJip
(Sophir) as the name for India. This is only in accordance
with the facts furnished by the preceding evidence.

Thirdly, Josephus. — He was a man of the highest cultin*e,
and united in himself both Greek and Hebrew learning. In
a casual and incidental way he states that the Aurea
Chersonesus of the Greeks was the Ophir of the Hebrews.
Now this fixes the locality of Ophir to the indefinite tract
of country from the kingdom of Taprobane down south to
the end of the Malayan Penmsula, where it touches on the
boundary of Sheba or Java. In all this tract the only
ASa?«scrzY-speaking people have to be referred to Taprohane,
which, as we have seen, was an extensive maritime country,
and later on in its history, that is, in the time of the Emperor
Claudius, had incorporated Sheba itself, south of the equator,
within its maritime and insular territories. In all this tract,
too, there is no record whatever of any other maritime state.
There can be no doubt, too, that when the Greeks called
that tract the Golden Peninsula, that it was and had been the
great gold-exporting country of the ancient world.

Fourthly, the Septuagint version. — This has everywhere
put Hcocjiip, Swcfiapa,^ &G., for Ophir, confirmuig the Coptic
lexicographers, and while furnishing a change of sound more
nearly approaching Tepra or Tepora, throwing at the same
time a light on Genesis x, 30 : " Sephar a mount of the
East."

Fmally, we come to the Bible itself, and we quote every
passage where the name of Ophir occurs : — " Ophir and
Havilah their dwelling was as thou goest unto Sephar a

^ Here, too, we are reminded of the Sippuros of Pliny, referred to in a
previous page. This is the very sound of Ophir, or T'iippSra, and Pliny's
accoimt leads us to place it in Taprohane. This Hippuros was a sea-port or
maritime country, as the Roman vessel touched there.

280 The identity of Ophir and Taprobane,

mouut of the East."^ With this read : " the land of Havilah,''
where there is gold." " Then shalt thou lay up gold as dust,
and the gold of Ophir as the stones of the brooks." (There
is here a reference probably to the volcanic nature of the
country, and the mode of gold- washing). "It cannot be
valued with the gold of Ophir." " Upon thy right hand did
stand the Queen in gold of Ophir." (This was literally
fulfilled to Solomon when the Queen of Sheba came.) " And
they came to Ophir, and fetched from thence gold, four
hundred and twenty talents, and brought it to king-
Solomon." " And the navy also of Hiram, that brought gold
from Ophir, brought in fr-om Ophu- great plenty of almug
trees and precious stones" (read also algum for almug).
" Jelioshaphat made ships of Tarshish to go to Ophir for
gold: but they Avent not; for the ships were broken at
Ezion-geber." "Even three thousand talents of gold, of
the gold of Opliir." (This would amount to sixteen and half
millions of pounds sterling!). "And they went with the
servants of Solomon to Ophir, and took thence four hundred
and fifty talents of gold, and brought them to king Solomon."
" Gold from Ophir, almug (or algum) trees, and precious
stones." " The golden wedge of Ophir." (Here we may
remark, that money was reckoned in bars of gold late into
the Christian era in the Malayan Peninsula, and the Kurus is
still the highest money-mint in the shape of a bar of gold in
Tartary.) With these read also : " To him shall be given of
the gold of Sheba." (This was also, as Psalm xlv, 9, fulfilled
literally to Solomon.^) Still further, there is another set of
references to Tharshish, which cannot be passed over, as the
very words of Sanscrit origin are imbedded in them : " The
king had at sea a navy of Tharshish -vA^th the navy of Hiram :
once in three years came the navy of Tharshish, bringing
gold, and silver, ivory, and apes, and peacocks." " He joined
himself with him to make ships to go to Tharshish : and

1 Gen. X, 29, 30.

2 Gen. ii, 11. Tliis " Havilah of the sons of Shetn," is to be diatingnished
from the " Havilah of the sons of JIam."

3 Job xxii, 24 ; xxviii, 16. Psalm xlv, 9. 1 Kings ix, 28 ; x, 11 ; xxii, 48.
1 Chron. xxix, 4. 2 Chron.viii, 18; ix, 10. Isaiah xiii, 12. Psalm Ixxii, 15.

and their Site indicated, 281

they made the ships ui Ezion-geber. And the ships were
broken, that they were not able to go to Tharshish.^ From
the situation of the first of these references we might infer
that Tharshish meant Ophir ; but the second reference, com-
pared with one ah-eady quoted above, makes it quite plain,
for it is there stated that the ships which were broken at
Ezion-geber were made to go to Ophir for gold. Here, then
we have Ophir, Tharshish, and Sheba, the two first of which
are interchangeable, and the last lay near one or other
or both. The more, therefore, that we can know about
Tharshish and Sheba, the nearer shall we get to Ophir itself.
The testimony we have of these is in a very cu-cuitous and
undesigned way, and thus the more valuable.

First, as to Tharshish. In Gen. x, 4 and 5, Tharshish is
mentioned along with Kittira, and placed in "the isles of
the Gentiles." It will be remarked that the names in this
chapter, wherever we can identify them, follow iu regular
order, and we may legitimately infer that all the names are
in regular sequence. In Psalm Ixxii, 10, "the kings of
Tharshish and of the isles" are joined together. In
Ezek. xxvii, 6, we have ivori/ mentioned as the product
of " the isles of Chittim." Lower down, in the same chapter
and the 12th verse, we have the products of Tharshish
enumerated as "silver, iron, tin, and lead." Next, as to
Sheba. In the same valuable chapter, and the 22nd verse,
we have the productions of Sheba mentioned, " chief of all
spices, all precious stones, and gold." We need not to quote
much more of Sheba than refer to 1 Kings ix, 26; x, 13
(parallel to which is 2 Chron. viii, 17 ; ix, 12), where the
account begins with Ophir — the Queen of Sheba's hearing of
Solomon's fame and her visit to him follow ; then the
narrative reverts to Ophir, and the account is wound up
once more with the departure of the Queen of Sheba. The
argument here to the effect that Sheba lay near Ophir is
incontrovertible. The story of the Queen of Sheba's arrival
is incorporated into the story of the departure and return of
the fleet to and from Ophir. The Queen is stated to have

* 1 Kings X, 22. 2 Chron. ix, 21 ; xx, 36, 37. Compare this last with
1 Kings xxii, 48.

282 The identity of Ophh' and Taprobane,

brought with her gold and precious stones, and a "very-
great store " of spices ; " there came no more such abundance
of spices as these."

Now, we learn fi-om all these (1) that Havilah, Chittim,
" the Isles of the Sea," and Sheba, lay contiguous to Ophir
or Tharshish ; (2) that the voyage occupied three years out
and in ; (3) that the fleet found a Sanscrit-speaking people ;
(4) that the productions of Ophir were gold and silver and
precious stones, and almug trees and ivory, and apes and
peacocks ; and if we reckon Tharshish also as Ophir, we
have, further, tin, iron, and lead ; (5) the name of the country
was Ophir. Let us see where all these lead us to, and if it
is confirmed by the other authorities besides the Bible. It
will be a remarkable result if all these lead us to Taprobane,
and only to it.

1. OpJiir icas contiguous to Havilah, Chittim, the Islands,
and Sheba. — As to Havilah we can only form a good con-
jecture. Finduig Ophir from the other sources, we have
to place Havilah near it, and it must be a country producing
gold and precious stones and intersected by a large river.
As "^^all be seen from the map, we have placed it on the
modern kingdom of Ava, contiguous to Chittim, Tharshish,
Sheba, the Isles of the Sea, and Ophir ; mtersected by the
mighty river Irrawaddy, and producing gold and gems in
abundance. Chittim is the same as China, the Cathay of
Milton and mediaeval travellers, and includes the country to
the north of Oplnr and Havilah, and to the east of this last.
The great Archipelago was referred to Chittim in early times
just as we now refer them to India, the truth being that it
lies midway of the two. The Isles of the Sea. — These are
evident fi-om their contiguity to Chittim, to which they were
often referred, and to Tharshish. In a general sense they
are the great Archipelago. From these we are informed, by
Ezekiel, ivory was largely brought to the marts of Western
Asia and the Mediterranean. We have no ti-aces of elephants
or ivory on any of the Archipelago islands save Sumatra,
which has long abundantly sujoplied ivory to the world, and,
as we have shown before, was included in part or whole within
the ancient possessions of Taprobane. Sheba. — This also lay

and their Site indicated. 283

contiguous to Tliarshish. Its productions are specified to be
gold, precious stones, and spices, especially these last. We
know well the Spice Islands next to Java. Here is the great
spice-producing and spice-exporting comitry of the whole
world. Gold and gems are also to be found in abundance
on most of the islands of the Archipelago. Borneo is rich
in diamonds and other precious stones, while the entire
Archipelago is highly auriferous. Now the only island of
this entu-e continental group, which is densely peopled, which
has long possessed a settled and stable government, and
which has numerous remains of an ancient civilisation, is
Java ; and that this is Sheba is confirmed by the early mode
of pronouncing the name which is Sdbd. That it was
independent of Ophu* at the time of Solomon is confirmed
by the narrative in the Bible, though, both being maritime
insular empires, their territories ran in and out of each other,
and hence the Queen's hearing of Solomon while the fleet
went to Ophir. At a later period, however, from the state-
ment of the ambassadors which we have already examined,
and from the remains of the Sanscrit language and Hindu
religion in Java, the northern state seems to have taken
possession of its southern neighbour. At a still later period,
when the power of Taprobane began to decline, Saba
again became independent, to fall subsequently into the
hands of the Malays (Moslems), and then to the Dutch.
The "Netherlands India" of the present day probably
accurately represents the earlier dominion of Sheba or Saba.
By means of it alone the Dutch continue a European power.
From the Island of Java alone a revenue of 16,000,000^.
is raised annually.^ Contiguous to all these "Isles of the
Sea," Chittim and Sheba, we have only the ancient country of
Tepra or Tepora, or Taprobane. As we proceed we shall see
still further how it alone satisfies all the conditions required.
2. The Voyage of three years. — For the distance of Tepra
from Palestme, remembering the ancient mode of slow
coasting, and the Eastern mode of stoppages at ports, and
the additional sea that lay between Palibothra and Tapro-
bane, and the numerous sea-ports of the kingdom with its

' See Money's Account of Java.
" Vol. II. 19

284 Tlie identity of OpJdv and Taprohane,

numerous insular possessions, the voyage of three years just
satisfies the demand. The length of coast line to and from
Ezion-geber and the extreme point of Ophii- or Tharshish
next to Sheba, was more than 20,000 miles, and there were
nearly a dozen ports, if not more, at which stoppages of a
week or a fortnight must have been made for purposes of
rest, refitting, trade, and provisions.

3. A Sanscrit-speaking people. — Now, we need hardly
say that in the tract indicated from the head of the Bay
of Bengal do^\ai south to Sheba, and contiguous to
Tharshish and Chittim, the only maritime state was Tepra
or Tepora, or Taprobane, colonised by the Sanscrit-speaking
Prachii.

4. The productions, as gold, silver, precious stones, ivory,
almiig or algum trees, apes, and peacocks. — Now these bring
us to just the same ancient Sanscrit-speaking, maritime
state which lay near to Sheba and Chittim. Including the
mention of Tharshish we have tin, iron, and lead ; the second
of which is generally diffused, and the third usually associated
with silver in its natural state ; but the first, or tin, is a quite
distinct and peculiar metal. Tepera and Sumatra abound
with monkeys and apes. So, too, as we have seen previously,
they abound with elephants and ivory. Peacocks and parrots
are largely and generally diffused ffom the base of the
Himalayas north of Tepera to the furthest coasts of the
Archipelago. Nearly all the parrots and parrokeets of the
world are supplied hence. The largest tin-producing country
in the world is also to be found here, the entire Malayan
Peninsula, and beyond, to Sunda and Banca, being simply
one great continuous tin-field. As this is a peculiar metal
mentioned by Ezekiel in connection with Tharshish, we are
compelled to assign this name to the southern portion of
the ancient kingdom of Ophir, Tepra or Tapri)bane. The
same conclusion is reached from the consideration of the
article silver, which is also mentioned in connection with
Tharshish, of which no mines are known to have existed to
the north, while a large province in the Malayan Peninsula
is called Perak, the native name for silver. There has been
a controversy as to whether alinug means coral or a species

1(71(1 their Site indicated. 285

of wood. We think there can be no hesitation in referring
to it as wood. It is specially mentioned that they were
" trees," that handles of harps, terraces, and props were
made of it, and in 2 Chron. ii, 8, they are expressly described
along with other timber as being brought from the forest.
And the form algum supplies probably the true reading. In
the Malayan forests we have the camphor wood,^ a gummy
tree, furnishing a splendid, fragrant and durable timber,
streaked ornamentally light red, whence probably the name
of almug and idea of coral arose and were associated with
it. This is found in great abundance in the Archipelago,
being one of the principal forest trees, and literally carries
out the idea of " great plenty " mentioned regarding it in
1 Kings X, 11. From 2 Chron. ii, 8, it seems they v/ere once
to be found on the Libanus range, and probably in those
early times they were found also in Tepra, but the large
demand for them exhausted the supply near largely settled
countries. We have already previously seen how the ancient
state of Tepera included in it the finest gem-producing
countries in the world in the parts north of modern Burmah.
Even to the present day to the north-east of Tepra there
lies the district (and city) of Manipur = the Gem Country.
Finally, we arrive at the consideration of the article Gold.
For this, it seems, Ophii- was specially noted. Now, India
has never been known to produce gold in any quantity,
much less to export it. India has always taken what it
could get fr-om outside. For this production in particular
we are restricted specially to the eastern side of the Bay of
Bengal, that is, the early state of Tepra or Taprobane, the
Aurea Chersonesus of the Greeks and the Ophii- of Josephus.
The entire country from Tepra and North Burmah down
to the Malayan Peninsula (and we might cross over to
Sumatra and Borneo and continue the chain to Australia) is
highly auriferous. It has been always the great gold-field of
the old world ; after three thousand years it still produces
largely, and exports all it produces. Money was computed
ill these parts till almost within recent times by bars of gokP

' Ft does not fiirnisli the camplior of commerce.

^ Mention made by a Dutch traveller, some centuries since.

286 The identity of Ojyhir and Taprobane^

(Isaiah's " golden wedge of Ophir ") ; and we may now
further note that one of the principal cities to the north-
west of Tepra or Taprobane was called Sonargaon = the
City of Gold, a very remarkable and expressive and
distinctive name, ^ and peculiarly appropriate to the Ophir
of Solomon.

5. Finally, the Naine itself. — Here we may remark that
there is no other country with a similar name in the entu'e
tract indicated save Tepra or Tepora, the Taprobane of the
Greeks ; and as Tepra, and it alone, has fully and abundantly
satisfied us on all the other points, it can but finally take to
itself its own name. We have already remarked that the
first founder of this state in its own annals is stated to have
been one Teppor, who came from the West; and we have
seen the variation of the sound of Ophu' furnished by the
Septuagint in Sephar and Sophara. And we may conclude
this portion of our remarks by stating that the t in Teppora
appears to be a prefix. It is used as a prefix in names of
countries adjacent, being our definite article the, the Malay
itu, the Greek to, &c., and implies " the land of" Thus we
find it in the adjoining comitry of Tibet or Thibet, which is
properly T'Bhot — the land of Bhot. So T'epora = the
land of Opor or Ophu-, It must be remembered that the
sound of Ophir, though it has the vau and the yod, is referred
to tlie shortened sound ufdr, which signifies volcanic, and
which excludes the van and yod.'^

Here, then, in Tepra or Tepora, the Taprobane of the

1 The ruins of this once great city lie on property owned by J. Patrick Wise,
Esq., of Rostellan Castle, co. Cork. In connection, too, with this City of Gold,
and the mention made of Solomon's making " vessels of gold," it is remarkable
tliat the natives have so often found golden dishes and vessels in eastern modern
Bengal (the ancient Ophir) at the bottom of tanks and in rivers, that it has
been incorporated into their fairy tales and legends. Indeed, even to the distant
inhabitants of Tartary, this region of Tepera, Taprobane, or Ophir, is yet a land
of mystery, magic, enchantment, and fabulous wealth. The writer can personally
vouch for this : aud-it seems as if the legend of cities of gold being buried to the
east of Khoten in an indefinite region also belonged to Ophir or Tepora. We
have already previously noted the trade that was carried on north with China
(and thence west into Khoten and Tartary) from Tepom.

' See Gesenius.

and their Site indicated. 287

Greeks, and noichere else, we find the Opliir which was used
interchangeably with Tharshish, this being its southern
portion ; which lay contiguous to Chittim or Cathay, the
" Isles of the Sea " or the Archipelago, Sheba or Java or
Saba (and Havilah) ; the founder of which was Teppor or
" the Ophh "; which was a maritime kingdom with numerous
seaports ; which alone exercised sway in those parts ; which
was occupied by a Sanscrit-speaking people ; the principal
and abundant productions of which were gold, silver, tin,
precious stones, ivory, algum trees, apes, and parrots ; and
wliich, finally, has existed from such a period of remote
antiquity that its early history is lost in the dim speculations
of Hindu mythology.^

The total result, thus, is most remarkable; and that in three
ways. Not only is the site of the Greek Taprobane identified,
not only is the site of the Hebrew Ophh identified, but the
two are found to be identically the same. This result is one
which could not have been foreseen,- and yet, havuig found
it, when we come to examine it, we find it only what is
necessary. Both the Greek Taprobane and the Hebrew
Ophir bring us to a Sanscrit-speaking race. The products
of gold, gems, and elephants (ivory) are identical. The
philological testimony of the names point in one direction.
They both refer to very nearly the same period of the
world's history in the East ; and it is impossible to conceive
that mariners of the same eastern shores of the Mediterranean,
Hebrews and Phoenicians, Greeks and Egyptians, trading-
alike to the East, should have been each ignorant of a
world-famed, rich, and great land in or near the same
locality which was known to the other. The imposing
embassy to the Romans was but a repetition of a still more
imposing embassy at an earlier part from the same regions
to King Solomon ; and our Lord, thus, was literally correct
when He paraphrased Sheba, the soiithernmost limit of the

' We have here a formidable and unique assemblage of local names, which
is very significant, such as Sonargaon=^Ae cify of gold ; Msim^we — the country
of gems ; Perak = the silver country ; and Tepora = the land of Ophir ; an
assemblage that we may expect to find in the veritable land of Ophir.

2 It was never suspected bv the writer.

288

The identity of Ophir and Taprohane, ^-c.

Eastern Archipelago, by " the uttermost parts of the earth."
From the determination of the site of the Greek Taprobane,
the confusion regarding Ceylon has been cleared up, and a
reason found for its singular name ; while in determinmg
the Hebrew Ophir we find out also Sheba and Tharshish.
And these also are just what we should expect, for truth
always sheds light.

289

THE OLYMPIADS

IN CONNEXION -VVITH

THE GOLDEN AGE OF GREECE.

By W. R. a. Boyle, Esq.
Read 6th May, 1873.

That at an early period chronology fell into a state of
confusion, from which it has never yet been relieved, is
universally admitted. In classical antiquity, our historical
knowledge, in point of arrangement, is derived from the two
great time-measures or modes of reckoning known as the
Olympiads and Years of Rome. By reference to the former of
these, dates have been assigned to the great struggles with
Persia, which constitute or fall within the Golden Age of
Greece. As regards the Olympiads themselves, authentic
lists are extant with the names of all the Olympic victors
from Coroebus downwards, and no suspicion has hitherto
been cast upon the regular and uninterrupted observance of
this celebrated quadriennial cycle, which, on the authority
of Censorinus and others, is placed in the year B.C. 776.
Traces, however, are to be found that this date has not
been uniformly received. Eusebius is inconsistent, sometimes
placing the first Olympiad in B.C. 776, and at other times two
years higher^ in B.C. 778. In the various attempts to adjust
the Olympiads to the Years of Rome, both have been shifted
up and down like the slides of a parallel ruler; although the
doubts raised have related more to Roman than to Grecian
chi'onology (see G. Seyifarth's Chron. Sacr. and other works).
But notwithstandmg this occasional hesitation respecting
the commencement of the Era, no doubt has been entertained
that the series of Olympiads, whenever these began, was
regularly maintained and uninterrupted throughout.

This notion is so deeply rooted as to have given rise to

290 The Olympiads in connexion loith

political reflections on the temper and constitntion of the
Hellenic mind. " In this persistent regularity of national
observances, even in times of imminent peril, and under the
most pressing dangers from the vast hosts of Xerxes, is to
be found," says an eminent historian, " another attribute of
the Greek character. It was the time of celebrating both
the Olympic festival games on the banks of the Alpheius and
the Karneian festival at Sparta, and most of the other Dorian
states. Even at a moment when their whole freedom and
existence were at stake, the Greeks could not bring them-
selves to postpone these venerated solemnities, especially
the Peloponnesian Greeks, among whom this force of
religious routine appears to have been the strongest. At
a period more than a century later, in the time of Demos-
thenes, when the energy of the Athenians had materially
declined, we shall find them, too, postponing the military
necessities of the State to the complete and sjolendid fulfil-
ment of their religious festival obligations, starving all
their measures of foreign policy in order that the Theoric
exhibitions might be imposing to the people, and satisfactory

to the gods The Peloponnesians remaining at home

to celebrate their festivals, wliile an invader of superhuman
might was at their gates, reminds us of the Jews in the
latter days of their independence, who suffered the opera-
tions of the besieging Roman army round their city to be
carried on witiiout interruption duiing the Sabbath." (Grote's
History of Greece.)

This conviction that the Olympic festivals had been
continuously maintained is so strong and general as almost
to have assumed the form of an axiom. It appears to have
derived its force from tradition, and to be supported by the
concurrent testimony of all writers from the earliest to the
latest times.

Through the trammels of a persuasion thus imiversal, it
was difficult to break. It is clear, however, that if B.C. 778,
and not B.C. 776, was the first Olympic year, either all the
other Olympic years ought to quadrate and correspond with
this, or else some disturbance or irregularity must liave
occnrrerl in tlio course of the festivals themselves.

the Golden Age of Greece. 291

Brilliant as was the career of the Athenians, and then
of the Confederate Greeks, in the later years of Darius
Hystaspes and the early years of Xerxes, Hellas would
never have occupied the prominent position in history which
she does, unless for her poets, her orators, and her philo-
sophers. She rarely appeared in arms except m defensive
or internal warfare ; and but for her literature and arts, she
would scarcely have been known beyond the limits of her
own territory, had not the Hellenic mantle been assumed
first by Philip and then by Alexander, when the Macedonian
conqueror stept forth into Asia. The country was split up
into numerous states, with discordant interests, and petty
rivalries and struggles continually mar the grandeur of her
fame, and cast their dark shadows over her noblest exploits.
In her contests with Persia, these were nearly productive of
disastrous results ; and even the gi-eat division that took
place in the Peloponnesian war between those states, which
sided with Athens on the one hand and with Lacedaemon on
the other, did not prevent minor dissensions springing up
among the confederate states themselves. It was one of
these subordinate and apparently insignificant discords that
led to that derangement in chronology, which has hitherto
eluded every effort made for its discovery, and well nigh
extinguished the light of evidential theology.

Indenting the western side of the Peloponnesus, and
occupying the central portion of it, lies the Cyparissian
Gulph. Stretching from the projecting ledge of the pro-
montory of Ichthys on the north to the more rounded coast-
line towards the south, there juts out from this among other
less conspicuous promontories that of Cyparissium, which
has given its name to this portion of the Adriatic or Ionian
Sea. Nearly opposite the centre of the gulph, but a short
distance inland, was the town of Lepreum, ^vith a small
territory attached to it. This extended over a portion of the
district of Triphylia, within which it was situated.

Of the Peloponnesian states the most feeble was that uf
Elis, which was situated on the north-western coast, facing
the island of Zacynthus, the modern Zante. This weakness
is to be attributed to its early history. It had been invaded

292 The Olympiads in connexion with

from iEtolia, on tlie northern shore of the Corinthian Gulph,
at a time when the Pisatid was already inhabited. But the
invaders, though victorious, either had not sufficient strength
thoroughly to subdue the Pisatans, or else were not politic
enough to absorb the conquered Pisatee into their own people.
The plain of Olympia was situated within the Pisatid, whose
inhabitants had originally enjoyed the distmction of ordering
and supermtending the Olympic Games. After the ^Etolian
invasion, the presidency of the Olympic festivals was usurped
by the Eleians, although their iitle was occasionally con-
tested by the Pisatae. Triphylia lying to the south was in
great measure protected by Pisatis, and could not be attacked
from Elis, if the Pisatae were in arms, or had sufficient strength
to interpose for its protection.

Lepreum itself was strong by nature, but its peculiar
position rendered it an object of importance to the surrounding
states, and laid its territory open to attack. It had been
coveted both by Elis and Arcadia ; but though said to have
been claimed as an Eleian town, it had maintained a separate
autonomy until some time before the Peloponnesian war.
The mountam range, commencing near Olympia, ran down
the lower portion of Elis, through Trjq^hilia, and then crossed
into Arcadia. This was to some extent a protection ; but on
the southern or south-western side of this range Lepreum was
accessible from both these states, and was likewise open to
approach from Messenia. Prior to this, though for how long
is uncertain, since Thucydides uses the indefinite adverb
TTore, a war had arisen between the Lepreates and some of
the Arcadians, when the former sought the assistance of
Elis. This was accorded, though upon the onerous terms of
ceding one half of their territory, which, however, Avas com-
pounded for an annual payment of one talent as a tribute to
the Olympian Jupiter (Thuc. v, 31). On the breakmg out of
the Attic or Peloponnesian war, the Lepreates refused to pay
this tribute, on the ground of the burthen which the war
imposed upon them. The Eleians, however, insisted upon
its payment being continued, whereupon the Lepreates had
recourse to the Lacedgemonians, to whom the dispute was
ultimately referred. Suspecting an adverse decision, the

the Golden Age of Greece. 293

Eleians renounced their interference, and laid waste the
territory of the Lepreates. The Lacedaemonians neverthe-
less adjudged the Lepreates independent, and the Eleians
to be the wrong doers ; and as they had not abided by the
reference, sent a body of troops to attack the fort of Phyrcon
and garrison Lepreura. The Eleians, conceiving that by this
step the Lacedaemonians had received into their protection
one of their own revolted cities, broke off their alliance and
went over to the Argives. A new league was then formed
between Argos, Corinth, Elis, and Mantineia, which Tegea
was also solicited to join, but remained firm in its adherence
to Sparta.

Such were the political incidents, as described by
Thucydides, which at this period took place within the
Peloponnesus. The order of their occurrence has now to be
determined. Thucydides divides his work into summers
and winters, and makes an annual rest at the end of every
successive year. But in his account of the eleventh year of
the war, he gives a graphic sketch of the ever-changing
relations, and almost indiscriminate wars, between the various
Hellenic states. Here he refers back to events either
anterior to the war itself, or which occurred in the early part
of it. Referring to the dispute between the Eleians and
the Lepreates, he states that this was whether the tribute
should be discontinued during the war. The language, though
misapprehended by Grote, is perfectly plam. His words
are — Kal fJt'ixP'' '^'^^ ^Attikov iroXefiov airec^epov, eireira
Travaaf^evcov Bia irpo^aaiv rov iroXefiov, ol "'HXetot eTTTjvdy-
KO^oV OL 8' eTpdirovTo irpos tov<; AaKehaLfxoviov^;. Kal hiK'qs
AaKeSat/jiovloi<; eTnrpaiTeLcrrjs, K.r.X (v, 31). "They (the
Lepreates) paid it until the Attic war, when, having stopped
it by reason of the war, the Eleians were proceeding to
enforce it, but they {the Lepreates) had recourse to the
Lacedaemonians. The decision being committed to the
Lacedaemonians," &c. Grote reads eireira, after the war,
instead of after its beginning.

The nature of the dispute is accurately stated by
Mitford, who says — "But when the war with Athens broke
out, the Lepreans as well as the Eleians being members of

294 The Olympiads in connexion with

the Lacedsemoniau confederacy, urged the expense of expe-
ditions into Attica, and other burthens of the war, as pre-
tences for discontinuing the payment. This the Eleians
would not admit " (iii, 83). The stoppage of the tribute was
thus caused by the war ; therefore this had begim before pay-
ment was discontinued, and its stoppage would not be
known until some time afterwards. There were then the
negotiations, which took place between the Eleians and the
Lepreates, next the appeal to the Lacedaemonians, followed
by the reference of the dispute to them. Some interval
must then be alloAved before the Eleians repudiated the
reference, and marched their troops into the Lepreate
territory ; and, finally, some time must have elapsed before
the Lacedaemonians could hear of this and send a force of
1,000 men to attack the fort of Phyrcon and garrison Lepreum.
As the Peloponnesian war broke out in the spring of B.C. 431,
the Lacedaemonian troops could scarcely have occupied
Lepreum imtil some time in B.C. 430. Is there any indica-
tion, then, that in the regular course of events the celebra-
tion of an Olympic festival would have fallen in this the
second year of the war, but that for some reason it was
postponed.

For the purpose of determining this it is requisite to
pursue the internal history of Greece a httle farther. The
new league between Argos, Corinth, Elis, and Mantineia,
formed in the eleventh year of the war, was followed by
severe contests between the Lacedaemonians and the Man-
tineians, aided by the Ar gives. In these the former were
victorious. Shortly after tliis the Helots, who had fought in
their ranks, and some of whom had probably deserted from
the neighbouring states, were liberated by them. They were
then placed in the very city of Lepreum, which had already
been the source of so much discord between the Eleians and
the Lacedaemonians. A state of open warfare thus existed
between the Lacedeemonians and the Eleians, as members
of the new league, in addition to wliicli the old Lepreate
wound, which had never been healed, broke out afresh. It
was aggravated in the eyes of the Eleians by this irritating
occupation of Lepreum by a body of men, thus located on

the Golden Age of Gt^eece. 295

their borders, or (as tliey considered) within their own territory.
As guardians of their country's honor, from their superin-
tendence of the national councils, festivals, and contests,
the Eleiaus of all the Hellenic tribes must have held these
liberated slaves in the greatest abhorrence, and therefore
felt the indignity most keenly. Dm-mg the peace which
shortly afterwards ensued between the two great con-
federacies, consisting of Athens and its allies on the one
side, and Lacedsemon and its allies on the other, the Eleians
had an opportunity of displaying the rancour which they
felt from this humiliation of their pride, and the deep
laceration of their own and the national honor in thus
encroaching upon and sullying the most sacred soil of
Greece. Up to this time but two Olympic festivals had
occurred during the war. The first of these was held m its
fourth year, at which a deputation of the Lacedeemonians
was present, who were prominently addressed by the
ambassadors of Mytilene. The second must have been
held during the eighth year of the war, of which, however,
nothing is recorded beyond the name of the Olympic victor
in the list preserved by Eusebius, who was Symmachus the
Messenian. After eleven years internal warfare the con-
tending parties agreed to an armistice ; but the twelfth
year, B.C. 420, far from being ushered in by any real
conciliation, only revealed in stronger colors the complex
and distracted relations existing among the various states
of Greece.

Still the armistice between the two prominent states led
to a general suspension of arms. A treaty of peace was
concluded between the Athenians on the one side and the
Argives, Mantineians, and Eleians on the other. The Olympic
festival at Elis was to be celebrated with more than usual
magnificence, and the Athenians, who, since the war, had
been excluded from the great national assembly, were once
more to appear on the scene. At such a time, and under
such cncumstances, the Eleians, who were now the acknow-
ledged hereditary dfrectors of this high festival, and in
whose territory the festival was to be held, became invested
with more than ordinary authority. The Olympic truce was

296 Tlie Olympiads in connexion xoitli

again proclaimed throughout the Peloponnesus and on the
Attic continent ; but so far as appears no reconciHation was
effected between the three last and the Lacedaemonians, who
were no parties to this treaty. Still, as summer approached,
no note of war was sounded throughout Greece ; but
although this truce was broken by no new hostile move-
ment, the original source of contention between the Eleians
and Lacedaemonians, viz., the occupation of Lepreum,
aggravated as this was by the substitution of a Helot
garrison for one of free Lacedaemonians, still continued.
And now let us contrast the position of the Eleians in this
twelfth year of the war ^\ath what it had been in the second
year of it, and thence downwards. Although on the origmal
occupation of Lepreum they broke off from the Lacedaj-
monians, they then found themselves in an isolated position,
since the Argives and the Acha'ians during the earlier period
of the war remained neutral, preserving amicable relations
with both the contending parties (Thuc. ii, 7). It was the
ambition of the Argives to obtain or rather regain the lead
among the Peloponnesian states which induced them after-
wards, in the eleventh year of the war, to sever themselves
from the Lacedaemonians and form a league \vith Arcadia,
Elis, and Mantmeia. The celebrated combat between tln-ee
hundred Argives and an equal number of Lacedaemonians,
in which the former were defeated, had not yet faded from
their remembrance (Herod, i, 82). Another peace was about
this time concluded between the Athenians and the Argives,
Mantineians, and Eleians (Thuc. v, 47).

These alliances gave a strength to the Eleians which they
had not before possessed. Of this they availed themselves to
display their long-cherished resentment against Sparta. They
took the bold step of interdicting the Lacedaemonians from
the common sacrifices of the assembled states of Greece, of
prohibiting their approach to the temple of the Olympian
Jupiter, and their participation in the national councils and
festivals (Thuc. v, 49). The decree pronounced was one of
excommunication. To this they were no doubt instigated
by their new allies, the Argives, then engaged in attemptmg
to recover the ground they had lost in their earlier contests

the Golden Age of Greece. 297

with the Spartans, and to supplant Lacedsemon as the
leading state in the Peloponnesus. No stej? could so
effectually further this design as the public humiliation of
Lacedaemon, and the exclusion of its principal men on this
important occasion from communion with the other assembled
Greeks. The field was thereby left open to the Argives to
carry on their intrigues without appearing to be the authors
of the opportunity. To affix upon the Lacedaemonians the
stigma of sacrilege, and cast them off on a religious pretext
from participating with the rest of Greece in the great
national solemnities, was a masterstroke of policy. It
forcibly illustrates the subtilty of the Greek character. ^ To
detach the Corinthians from the Lacedaemonians was one
great object of the manoeuvre. Accordingly strenuous
efforts were made for this piu'pose, which were tollowed
up by a new embassy inviting the Corinthians to join the
northern allies. But in spite of the prohibition some
Lacedsemonians had contrived to be present at the festival.
One of these, Lichas, son of Arcesilaus, a wealthy Lace-
daemonian, under Boeotian colors, won the chariot race.
When the Boeotian state was proclaimed the victor, he
himself stept forward and crowned the charioteer, to make
it publicly known that the chariot was that of a Lace-
daemonian. For this breach of order he was beaten back
by the staff bearers of the course, an indignity which gave
rise to increased apprehensions of an armed intervention
from the side of Sparta. Either through Lichas, who had
thus gained access to Elis, or through some friendly channel,
the Lacedsemonians had become aware of the hostile intrigues
of the northern confederates, and when the ambassadors from
them reached Corinth they found that some of the principal
Lacedemonians had, accidentally as it were, arrived before
them.

A protracted conference ensued, which made little or no
progress, owmg to the unwillingness of the Corinthians at
this time to take part with either side. It was at length
broken off by an earthquake, without the object of the
northern embassy having been attained.

Bearing now in mind the weak and isolated position

298. The Olympiads in connexion with

of the Eleiaus at the beginnuig- of the war, when, as
Thiicydides says (v, ol), the Lepreate dispute first arose, let
us see what was the charge w^hich the Eleians, in the twelfth
year of the war, when strengthened by a powerful con-
federacy, brought agamst the Lacedaemonians. It was, that
they, the Laced femonians, " had made an attack upon the fort
of Phyrcon, and had sent an armed force to Lepreum during
the Olympic truce " (eV rals ^OXvfiTriKaU cnrovhdls, v, 49).

An Olympic truce thus occurred shortly after the heginning
of the war. It has been shown from the origin and course of
the dispute that the Lacedaemonians could not well have
sent a body of troops to garrison Lepreum before the second
year of the war, or B.C. 430. From Thucydides we learn
that an Olympic truce fell in this year, and consequently that
an Olympic festival should then have been celebrated. No
Olympic council, however, was held in that year. This is
accounted for by the fact, that the Eleians were at this time
unsupported, while the Lacedaemonians during the second
year of the war were particidarly strong and aggressive.
They dispatched a strong force to Zacynthus, which, without
actually subduing it, overran the whole island. As it lay
opposite the north-western coast of the Peloponnesus, Elis
must have had considerable commercial intercourse "vvitli it ;
and then- failure to render any assistance shows then- Aveak-
ness at this particular period.

To Olympic, as to the other Grecian festivals, were
attached certain duties, as well as privileges. The city
administeiing such sacred ceremonies enjoyed inviolability
of territory during the month of their occurrence, being itself
under obligation at that time to refrain from all aggression,
as well as to notify by heralds the commencement of the
truce to all other cities, not in avowed hostility to it.

Looking, then, to the mutual charges and recriminations
between the Eleians and Lacedyemonians during the peace
which occurred in the twelfth year of the war, we find that
the occupation of Lepreum took place at, or shortly after,
the beginning of the war. It was when the Eleians, during
the second year of the war, had proclaimed an Olympic truce
in their own territory, but before they had sent heralds to

the Gulden Age oj Greece. 299

proclaim it in other states, that the Lacedaemonian invasion
occurred. Thus assailed and obstructed, the Eleiaus, sensible
of their own want of power and authority at this juncture,
proceeded no further in notifying or preparing for the
Olympic festival, which was to have followed. For the first
and only time m the course of the Olympiads, one was now
allowed to drop out of its proper place. It was not, as we
can gather from Thucydides, although unperceived by him-
self, held until two years later. Thus it happened that
instead of being celebrated in the year B.C. 430, when the
usual preliminary truce was first proclaimed, showing that
to have been the fourth year from the preceding Olympiad,
the Olympic festival was not again celebrated till B.C. 428,
that is, in the sixth year instead of the fourth. The eighty-
seventh Olympiad was thus made to extend over six years,
and not over four only.

The effect of this distm-bance or irregularity in the
Olympic reckoning was to bring down the first eighty-seven
Olympiads by two years throughout. These have all to be
raised thus much, leaving the eighty-eighth and subsequent
Olympiads as they now stand.

The loss of two years in the Olympic reckoning is
corroborated by Eusebius. He places the eclijDse of Tliales,
not with Pliny in 01. 48, 4, but in 01. 49, 2, being the
exact difference of two years, and so making the Olympiads
begin in B.C. 778, instead of B.C. 776. Another solar eclipse
is stated by him to have occurred in 01. 79, 3, and A.U.O. 290,
being the third year after the birth of Socrates. The eclipse
thus indicated was on April 30, B.C. 463, which is in accord-
ance with the received year of Rome, B.C. 753—290 = B.C. 463.
But to brmg it within the Olympic year mentioned, the
Olympiads must have begun as before, in B.C. 778. Thus,
78 X 4 = 312 -f 2 = 314. Then, 778 - 314 = 464-3, of
which years April would fall in B.C. 463. This was about
thirty years before the Olympiads became disordered, and
both this eclipse and that of Tliales were no doubt attached
to the Olympic years, thus specified by Eusebius, before this
derangement took place, and were taken by him from some
ancient and authentic soiu'ces.

Vol. it. 20

300 The Olympiads, ^c.

In thus establishing the year B.C. 778, instead of B.C. 776,
as the true commencement of Olympic reckoning, it will be
found that the first stone has been laid of a fomidation, on
which alone a solid structure of universal history, and still
more of evidential theology, can be erected, so as to be
capable of resisting every assault.

;30i

NOTE ON EGYPTIAN PREPOSITIONS.

By p. Le Page Renoup.
Read ^rd June, 1873.

In the ancient language of Egypt prepositions are not
unchangeable particles as they are m Latin, Greek, and
other languages with which we are most familiar. The
truth is, the very existence of prepositions as a distinct part
of speech indicates a comparatively late stage of language.
The Semitic prepositions, as Gesenius and other scholars
have shown, may in nearly every instance be traced to
substantives in a construct state ; and in the Indo-European
languages, according to Bopp, the genuine prepositions, and
such adverbs as in form and meaning are connected with
prepositions, admit universally of being traced, with greater
or less certainty, to pronouns. Vestiges of a plural of
prepositions are still to be found in the Hebrew of the
Bible, but in Egyptian all prepositions admit of a plural, and
some of them admit other remarkable phonetic changes
dependent upon grammatical construction.

These changes, which I am about to describe, mil be
better understood if we bear in mind that a preposition is
often complementary either to a verb, as pointing out the
direction of the verbal action (as " I give to thee," " come
forth from the house "), or to some other part of speech
which is not a substantive. Or it may simply express a
relation between two substantives, as "the voice of the
singer," "the men in the city," "my friendship with you.'
Now, the Egyptian words which are used in the latter way
are not mere prepositions in the sense of our grammars.
They are relative pronouns or adjectives as well, subject to

302 Note on Eijijptian Pyepo&itions.

phouetic change and in concord with an antecedent. " The
wife of the king " is gramma tically equivalent to " the wife
iclio is that of the kmg," " the men in the city" = " the men
icho are in the city."

Prepositions, on the other hand, which are complementary
to a verb are as a rule unchangeable. The three apparent
exceptions to the rule will be mentioned, each in its proper
place.

I. The relation of the genitive may, as is Avell known,
be expressed by the mere juxta-position of two nouns, as
w^ se Hd, " son of the Sun." The two nouns are, how-
ever, most commonly connected together by means of one of
the following particles, /— n en, * nu, '"^"^ ent, 2 ' ^'"^*''
These particles are not simply interchangeable, any more
tlian the French de, chi, des. But their use varies according
to the gender and number of the noun which precedes, not
of that which follows them.

a. The particle z^****^ en may accompany nouns of both

genders and numbers ; thus, ^ ^ I hhnet en

ei'ija ha " Avife of the prince," s^ - — -% Jft^ /jl ■ . J ® f^

set en pa ura en Beyten " daughter of the king of Baclitan,"
^^.^^ ^ I /— N j ')(eftu : en Ra " enemies of the Sun-god." '

h. In the " base " periods the sign s is confoimded with
f"'^, but in all texts of the better periods the noun which
precedes the particle , is invariably in the plural number, as
^^ • "V ^ ' Mr '"^'""^ • ^"* neteru : " names of the
gods," and the phonetic value of the particle is ^'-'■^ "V*. 7m,
as it is written throughout tlie great inscription of Una,
published by M. de Rouge in his work on the first six
dynasties, e.^., Q 0 sJ \J vj \ t^-, nehesiu: nu set :

peten ^ " the negroes of these /cgions." This orthography is found

' Lepsius, DenJcmcBler II, pi. 121, 1. G7. Prisse, Momimem, pi. 21, 1. 18.
Todtenbuch, 39, 7, 9.
2 Ant i quit es, V, pi. 41.

' M. E. de Rouge read nu tes-u peten, buL the phouetic value, set, of the sign
I is too firmly established by variants (see Zeitsek. f. Aegypt. Sp. 1867, p. 41).

Note on Egyptian Prepositions. 303

in very much more recent texts ; e.g., \j^ ^^^' ^\^ (1 I '
hehu: nehu: mi hat-Nit "all the festivals of Sais." The
more common orthography, however, when the vowel is

written, is * .

c. In texts of the better periods the antecedent of """"^
ent, when in the smgular number, is always a feminine noun :
thus, ^ 4 ^^^^^ kat neht ent suten " every building

of the king," J I ,^ ^ i "^•^ hixt ent ra neh "the

bread of each day," - i^ 1Q T ■ ^ i^ ^ -> V

ta neter hat ent paik neter " the temple of thy god,"
I 'i^ "* sept ent Pa-alit " the nome of Polls."

m ® m 1 1 <cr> J J ® ^

Even the more recent and corrupt texts, such as that
of the Turin Ritual, furnish abundant evidence of this
interesting fact. We have only to look out for well-known

to be sliaten by the discoTery of a word (test) which like very many others has
*■ *■ ^ as a determinative. In my ti'anscriptions the colon (:) stands for the
mark of the plural.

In confirmation of my remarks {Zeitscli. 1871, p. 133) on the gender of

or i see Mariette's Ahiidos I, pi. 37 &, where the feminine nouns

5 and 1 have the pronoun J ? wliile the masculine

0*111 ^ <Z> «■•■«• " /»w,~^

has _^^^^^ .

1 British Museum, No. 52 ; Sharpe, E. Inscriptions, I, Ifi.

- British Museum, 574 ; Sharpe, Inscriptions, I, 79.

3 Tablet in the Louvre ; Sharpe II, 24.

^ Denkm. Ill, 199a. I agree with M. de Rouge in identifying Paarit or
PaaUt with the uu of the eleventh nome of Lower Egypt, with tlie name of which
Dr. Brugsch had ab-eady compared the Egyptian IloXts.

The phonetic value of ^^ is not hesp, as is commonly supposed. It must

certainly be a word ending in t. And a monument at Leyden (see Leemans, II,

11,45 a) gives the fuU reading fl L^ sept on a variant of the formula so

commonly written ra Ifc. Jl^ ^ Ik ^ "^ e.g., British Museum, 562,

There is, however, no doubt that hesp is a word of cognate etymology and
meaning.

304 Note on Egyptian Prepoaitions.

masculine words of constant occurrence, such as JL !►
hru "day," <^ | \ T© ^'-'"'h''- "niglit," ^ ha "soul,"
" iu "mountain," *^^~^ ren "name"; and on the
other hand for equally well-known feminine nouns, such as

;^ sat "book," ^*° """"^ "horn-," P\?* ^"^'^

"^g^'" \P!n "^^^^ "l^^^l''"' ^i^i^J, ^'"' "abode,"
n J ® H sehext " cell,'' ^^ 11^ «ri^ " gateway," \j
j \^ i\ J^ maxait "balance," ,^^4 nehat "sycamore,"

*** Xi(t "horizon"; and we cannot fail to be convinced that
the latter words are followed by ^ as regularly as the
words of the former set are followed by . .. If an excep-
tion to the rule appears to rise up it will be sure to vanish
on a strict investigation of the accuracy of the text. We
find, for instance, h r ^ ^^ dJul ent Ra^ in the 111th

' The accepted reading of the sigQ H is ha. That tliis is not

quite correct is proved by very ancient variants. 1 1 .= i H i> i sajfa

{Benkm. II, pi. 144.) =01 "^ "to raise," Coptic Tl^^O. The simple

verb is wi-itten .=> i H .=. j on the Sarcophagus of Apianchn (Z><?«^w.II,pl.98).

From a later period we have the variants I H .= 1 . 1 □ ■= ' 4 4 ' '

I H ^. I ^ I (Sharpe, JE. In?, pi. 7, 30 and 31) on the Sarcophagus of

Imliotep in the Louvre, and also that of Necht-hor-hcb, which further gives
the group ^ — i 0 . The chief Coptic words (^^<?w, ^^I, O^I,

(JOp.l) corresponding to groups in which the sign occiu-s, exhibit the initial

Towel. JtJLp.^T corresponding to ^^ H is an exception,
, JrV T • n - y ^^

but on the other hand we have the full reading ^^ ^ I P

ma?iat (British Mus. 579) of this group on a tablet of the 12th dynasty.
JUL^jU^ is a form like JULOjIp as compared with JULG^Ip. The

variants ^mo H (British Mus. 584), also found on a tablet of

the oldest period, '* 9 ^ n ' '^ 9 • n ' ^"^'^ v i i fl ^'^ferred to
by M. Jacques de Kouge {Texfcs Geojraphiques, p. 38) must also be pronounced
mahat. The signs f> and aac are here variants of ^^*yw>: the full phonetic
form of wliich in the singular number is ilU ^^%Cws {Doikm. Ill, 281c).
Mu is a plural form, of which evidence is sometimes given, <i»«»iwj: being
followed by .

Note on Egyptian Pre,positio7is. 305

chapter oi the Tm-in Ritual, but the true reading is q ,
en Rd, as even the same papyi'us gives it in the text of tlie
108th chapter.

There are also instances ot word-composition, more or

less complete, in which the feminine element is dominant, as

* 1 '"-■P i >-^ ^ ('qjt-i^e ent suten " the speech of the

I • 5) 2X ra "l O ^"■"■^ O I 2 ,7 , 1 I, ,^

King, <=> ^_^ ^ I ^ ,^^. -^ert-lirii ent ixl neb " the
round of each day." In process of time * "^^^^ and
^^_^^ ^_^^ \^ were written, and the feminine gender of
either of these words could only be detected by means of
another word in concord with it.

Plural nouns may also be antecedents of ''"""" as
, ^ ^ I '<— - ^Br ret : ent sfit " men of valour,"

II i jfr ^ ' ■" — ' 1 ^ ^^^ 1 ^""^ tadasu : ciat ent
neter neb netert neb "the great chiefs of every god and
goddess."

In most of the instances of this kind which I remember
the plural nouns are feminine, even though referring to
collections of male individuals.^ But there are also instances
of masculine nouns preceding ^^, whether rightly or
wrongly I will not now venture to say.

It is important to observe, that the antecedent of '"^
is not necessarily the noun immediately preceding it. In the
clumsily worded title, for instance, of the 145th chapter of

the antecedent of ^"^ ^^ I I p) ' ^® ^^ ^^ more correctly
expressed in the title of the 146th chapter, (' J H '

J Benlcm. II, pi. 124, 1. 109.

2 Lepsius, Aelteste Texte, pi. 30, 1. 12.

3 Denkm. II, pi. 136.

* Todt. 18, 38 ; 20, 7 ; 22, 2 ; 134, 8 ; 145, 73.

^ A very large number of woi'ds signifying bodies of men are feminine.

300 Note on Egyptian Prepositions.

r:i-ikM<V"

"-n J _ n,. ,11 ,x — -'«- .eellsofthe

^ . ... 7\A. '^

house of Oairis in Aanru."

(/. ^ ^^ eiiti is also used to express the relation of the

genitive, as in ^ ^ ^^ "— P 2 j IT^ ^ paifsxeru:
enti ra neb "his wont of each day," thronghout the tale of
the Two Brothers, ^= jk -^^^ ' em ^fd enti mut-ek

"from the womb of thy mother,"

./ ' /"-<■■■'% I I A \\ o

unnut apt enti hau " first hour of the day."

The last of these examples is taken from a series of
inscriptions relative to the twenty-fom* hours. Each hoiu*
of the day and night is mentioned in its turn, and here we
find that the word unnut, "hour," is followed indifferently by
, c)r ^--'^ , which are, in fact, different forms of the

relative pronoun.

The use of the relative pronoun in expressing the relation
of the genitive is extremely common in certain languages.

If we could trust our present Hebrew text of the Bible
-fin -\trS! r^V'y^} (l Kings xi, 25) " the mischief of Hadad," 3
literally " the mischief which Hadad," would be an example
of what grammanans call the " circumscription of the
genitive " exactly similar to what occurs in old Egyj^tian.
In the Aramaic and iEthiopic languages the genitive is
commonly expressed by means of the relative pronoun, W
sa in Assyrian, "1, 7 in Chaldee, ? in Syi'iac, and |-j ; in
iEthiopic. The same kind of conslruction is found in
Samaritan, Phoenician, and Himyantic. In ^thiopic, aa in
Egyptian, a special feminine and a special plural form may be
found, agreeing with the antecedent corresponding, although
the form H : may, like the Egyptian - — ^ , be used with both
genders and numbers.''

The Egyptian """"^ is not only a preposition as well as a
relative pronoun, it is also a conjunction like the French que,

' Brugscb, Recueil, II, pi. 78.
2 Hid. pi. 80.

^ In this and some other instances, it is most probable that a ■word has fallen
out of the text. Cf. Ewald, ausf. liebr. SpL, p. 737. n. 1. (7tli ed.).
"• Cf. Dillman, Qrammatik d. JEtkiopisehen Spr., p. 259.

Note on Egyptian Prepositions. 307

the Latin quod, the Greek on, the Sanskrit yat. But of its
use as a conjunction I have not now to speak.

There can be but little doubt that I ^-*-\ an is one of
the forms of ^-'"^ en. One of the many functions of this
particle consists in connecting a verb with its subject, as in
1 1 ^^^ . '--'^ 1 ^^ %k 1 Jl sema en lien-f menti " his

majesty slaughtered the barbarian." The same function is
discharged by I '--^, and it is as far as I am aware the
only one which that particle discharges. There is always
a verb, expressed or understood, before Ji an, and the noun
or pronoun which folloAvs it is the agent or subject of the
verb. Hence the prepositional meaning hy or from. But
whereas the particle ^"""'^ in this relation always immediately
follows the verb, \ may be separated from the verb by
the whole length of a sentence. When it immediately
follows the verb, the latter is sure to be intransitive (as in
the frequent historical form 1 I un an-f her

t'at " he said") ^ or at least is not followed by a noun
governed by it.

2. The uses of the particle 'Ik em are very various
and remarkable. It is originally a pronoun, closely allied
to the relative and interrogative Au ma, olos, " qualis,"
" quis ? " It has the sense of " as " in such phrases as

i T IT ^ ii -1 d^ ^.!k 'I' ''^^^"^^ '^^ ^'"'

hemse-n'a em FtaJi, " I stood up like Horus, I sat down like
Ptah." Here %k stands between a verb and a noun.
Between two verbs the particle commonly used is 1/ i ma.,
as _* /T^ '<-— y 1 __ ^ '-"-^ ^ " he sits as you sit." m^

and y i are, therefore, two forms of the same word. This
change from the relative pronoun to a conjunction or adverb
is intelligible enough, especially if we remember that the
Greek &>? is now considered an old accusative form of the
pronoun 09. The transition from the same pronoun (in its

' Compare cle Rouge, Inscrijition d'Ahmes, p. 171, and following.
2 Todt. xi, 3. •■' Todf. i, 12.

308 Note on Egyptian Prepositions.

interrogative use, no doubt) to a sense of prohibition and
negation is less obvious, but we have the instructive
analogies furnished by the Hebrew and Chaldee TV2 and
the Arabic U, in which })reci8ely the same transition has
taken place. ^

As a preposition %k expresses all the relations which in
Latin are exj)ressed by means of the ablative case. On
account of its weak vocalic anlaut it is unable to bear the
weight of pronominal suffixes until the anlaut has been
phonetically strengthened. We say <=> \k pir em re

" coming forth from the mouth," but <:=> i %^ '^— pir

am-f "coming forth from it."'-

^^ em becomes I W^ or -i- ^^ am even without
JV 1 JHV ' JffV

suffixes, whenever they are understood, or whencA^er it

implies relation to an antecedent, as J \^ ^^^ ^^^

hu neb dk-ek dm " every place into irhich thou comest,''
\ ^ here being instead of j^_-— ; + ^ ^^ ^ '^
am heh-/ '■'he ivho is in his own tire" (the name of a

mythological serpent). The curious word -4- ^^ '^-— -

dmi-ren-f " a catalogue" (as Mr. Goodwin has shown) literally
signifies " that on ichich his name is."

-l- %k takes a plural form -J- %k \fc i canu, as

^Ifck I -|- ^k ^ I 1 ^-'■'^ bain: amu: ament "the souls
u-hirli are in Amenti." In the Rliind Papyri -|- m^^

js translated into Demotic by na enti en " those who are in."

In the Rosetta Inscription it corresponds to the Greek at ev.

It has also another meaning. In jiassages like bu nebu:

I \». K- -_ I Ik \fc I "* enti anfamu : " all the places which

1 See the grammars of Gesenius, p. 834 (1817), and Ewakl, p. 794 (1863).

2 Exactly tlie same change takes place under the same circumstances in the

negative ^k • See my Note on some Negative Particles of the Egyptian

Language.

' Boiiomi, Sarcophagus, pi. 15, line 18.
* Shiupe, II, 3, 2.

Note on Egyjytian Prepositions. 309

it is in," 1 ^k "Vjih I stands for I %k ^^ hyn-sen, just as
tef-u stands for ^•"■'■^ tef-scn.

K— >. Ill '' K-^ III ''

Are we to recognise feminine forms "4- ^^ • in the
singular, -4- Ik in the plural? This question must

be answered in the negative. The forms exist, but they are
not specially feminine.^ The * here is what is commonly
called the participial form, with the phonetic value • \h. tu.

This syllable which is pronominal in its origin is appended
to several other prepositions. The meaning of J ^^ am is
modified by it very much as that of the Latin in is modified
by the addition oi ter or tra. i Vk •^p' amtu signifies among,
between, in the middle of. In the l()4th chapter of the Book
of the Dead the deceased sits 4- %k • "V 11 1 * wk ^ '
amtzmeteru: daiu: "inter deos magnos " or " in medio deorum."
%k and -j- ^Bk would equally be out of place here. In
the 83rd chapter there is an invocation to the deities of
Sechem and An (that is Letopolis and Heliopolis), and to the

,£v — iiJ^ -U 1^ /— ^ nenui hmtu-sen " the stream loliich
s <? *"***^ ' JrV (? I I I

is between them." Heliopolis was on the left bank of the
Nile, and on the right bank, opposite to it, was the Letopolite
nome. ' ' T I /j ' ^^^^ amtu abu : in the decree of

Canopus is '■'■unus inter sacerdotes," and the next line of
the same text speaks of a crown consisting of two ears of
corn " with the uraeus between them," /(7 "j- J P V ('«''«^
dnitu-sen. The Greek text corresponding to hmtu-sen is oov
ava fjieaov. By the light of these texts many passages and
expressions will admit of more accurate translation than
they have yet received. -I- %k • >J<^ amtu ah is not simply

" qui est in corde," but " in medio cordis." | I 'T' *

set-ef amtu pet is "his throne which is in the middle of

' From the earliest times -|- ^^ * is found with masculine antecedents,

e.g., "Anubis -t ^k ^ Sk. * in medio sarcoj>hagi" DenTcni. II, pi. 123.

" Compare Strabo, xvii, 1, 30.

^ Obelisk of Hatasu, Denkm. Ill, pi. 16.

* Brugsch, Receuil, II, pi. 62, 3.

310 ISfote on Egyptian Preposition^.

heaven," LJ I n -|. Ijk * -^tt- ' har'a dmtu td is "the
sanctuaiy which is in the centre of the earth." The Ritual
speaks repeatedly of the copper-green sycamore <=> H

+ A A ^ , . All

%^ ^_ ^ pir Rd amtu-s " through the midst of ichich tlie

Sun-god comes forth" as he advances over the pillars of
heaven. The two lofty obelisks in the inscription at Karnak
are said to have been erected <=> + ^ • "V ■ — ^ ^**-

^""^ 4 ^^^^^^ ^ ^ er dmtu hexenti urit en Suten " near the
central part (Trpo? tu) ^leacp) of the great royal double gate-
way." And in another part of the same text it is said

uhen dten dmtu-n : md ')(dd-fem ')(iit ent pet " the sun shines
between the two as if rising from the horizon of heaven."

The synonyms of 1 %L •^ ^^'^ her-dl> (corresponding
in the Rosetta Inscription to the Greek eV tcD ii&crw). and
^. ikj ^ em md, the latter being often written m^ %k /

•k %k n 11 ^_^ sha pui her-dh pet, is "that

door in the midst of heaven."

^. JfcU Y %*• i^ xj ' ^'^ ^^''f dn')(iu : is not " in

loco" but "in medio viventium."

I T '^irti '^^ m^ III anei her-ek em md neteru
" hail to thee who art preeminent among the gods." " Tnter
mmcta " in Horace is in the same way equivalent to " ante
omnia''

«" ^fck ^r I V|^ * A|^ ^ ' neh y^du : em md heh :

' Bonomi, Sarc, 4 C. Anotlicr example will be found at the same reference.

2 Todt. 109, 3 ; 149, 7.

3 Benkm. Ill, pi. 16.

" Todt. 2, 2, 3 ; 15, 30 ; 31, 11 (=70, 3) ; 130, 12. In the first of these

passages I translate ^i^ I \k ^ sena-ud ' gird me round,' not ' es la?sen

mich,' like Dr. Erugsch.

' See Todt. 15, 30. Bcnhn. Ill, ]3 and IS, where several inslr.nces orcnr,
and y\nastasi, pi. 70 i'erso._

Note on Egijjjtiait Pre positions. 311

scitiu : " Lord of diadems supreme amid millions of kings of
Lower Egypt."

y o Y 1 ^^ ^ ... nelies en yev-lieh em ind kerhu reman er he/i
ytt en ... " the mortuary priest keeps his vigil in the middle
of the night, continually weeping over the lot of" the
departed.

The old Egyptian preposition %k em is not related to
the Coptic JUL, which is a mere transformation of ft in
presence of certain consonants.

Champollion identified -4- %k with the Coptic ^AJL.
Even Dr. Bi-ugsch in his Dictionary still speaks of -J- ^^
as " Koptisch erhalten in ^JjL-" The Coptic ^iX, as I have
long since pointed out^ is nothing but o "it regularly trans-
formed before a labial, ^rt itself is only the Sahidic form
corresponding to the Memphitic ^eit which is derived from

the old Egyptian %k /W em ^ennu. The Demotic

form, which di'ops the %k is intermediate between the
old Egyptian and the Coptic.

After verbs of taking^ receiving., delivering, concealing,
avenging, and some others, ^k becomes iWi md.^ The
Greek preposition corresponding to this in the texts of
Rosetta and Canopus is irapa followed by a genitive; e.g.,

^^^^ •/ \P 4 * M tK! ^^^ irapika^ev ttjv ^acnXelav

irapa rev iraTpos, "he received his kingdom from his father."
3. The preposition <=:> er [or el'], corresponding to the
Greek eiV, is both phonetically and grammatically akin to
'■'-'■'^. It has a stronger vocalic anlaut than %k > fo^" it is
able to bear the weight of suffixes. But in other respects it
undergoes changes very similar to those of the latter pre-
position. Whenever it refers to an antecedent its anlaut is
phonetically strengthened. It becomes I or I ^

^ Diiimclaen, Kalenderinschr. 35, 45.
- Miscellaneous Notes, p. 14.

^ A large nuaiber of examples will be found in an old article of mine, Atlantis.
January, 1860.

312 Note on J-Hfji/jifiiin Prepositions.

cm, and in tlie plural i , I <=> \^ , k ^ i co-n :

or 1 \7 (irin.

It is to ]M. Cliabas that we are indebted for the important
identification of Vf iiri with the preposition <::>

But from the explanation given by this eminent scholar I am
compelled to dissent. "Le pen d'importance," he says,^ " des
voyelles dans la langue egyptienne permettait d'articuler ce
mot de la memo maniere que la proposition <=> ; aussi les
scribes n'ont pas manque de I'employer abusivement pour
exprimer cette prej)osition." I have been led to very
different conclusions about the importance of vowels in the
old Egyptian language ; and with reference to the question
now before us, I am quite certain that the ]3reposition <=>
€7' will never be fomid written ar except under the very
same conditions as when %k is lengthened into am.

I therefore translate"^ ^ Q I %j 'xftetn

ari tot-sen " the seal which is on then- hand," I Vf

— 1*1 ■e-r> m " —777- *".' ' .^'^ ^

I Vf ' uatu : ariu : pet ariu : ta " the

I I I F— 1 1 V\ Al I I I I \ f

ways ichieh are in heaven and those which are on earth.'
And I understand the writer in the 4th Anastasi Papyrus as
passing his time C^ %k V ^^ I ^ ^^^ her kamhu

ari pet not in "looking at the sky," but at ^^ that which is
in the sky." To " look at the sky " is ^ \^ ? ^
or (as it is found in a text published by Dr. Diimichen^)
I T Q """"^ kamhu pet, without any preposition.

On the sarcophagus of Seti we read of ^SSs ^= Q,
<=> I I 5N- 1 <^> \^ I ^^\ )iiu em sat er aseftii :
aril : yci '• water of fire for the blemisln.'S which are in
file body [or bodies]." On the same monument we have a
]ticture of those who 1 '-^ V ^ I ' ' ' jft '

' Inscr. de Rosette, p. 37.

- The following examples are exiDlained somewhat differently by M. Clialjas,
uJji supra, and M. de Rouge, Chrestomathie, fasc. 2, p. 75.

■' Zeilschrifl, Junnary, 1870. BeiJagc, Taf II, 1. 33. In this passage the verb
is in the passive — ' non videtur eoelum.'

■• Bonomi, Sarc. pi. 15, 1. 18._

Note on J^gyptian Prepositions. 313

W "V ^N -== ^ ■ — ^ ¥ "^""^ "V > ^== smen

«/«« se)(^eper renpitu: en aru: taniesu: em tuat en dn')(iu: em
pet "determine the stadium of life, and biing about the
years both of those who [are] in ill fortune in the nether
world and of those who are living in heaven." A little

further on we have 1 1 1 1 ~i- i "■■■' ■~^^=~

neteru : pui am tuat aru : re seta " those gods in the nether
world who [are] at the mysterious door."

In an inscription of Rameses III I ^ i ^^ 3^

aru : pet, literally " those in the sky," is a compomid word
signifying "bu-ds," as is proved by the determinative "^Jji^
followed by the sign of the plural, just as in the Metternich
tablet, -4- W **^ I am-mu " inhabitants of the water,"

is followed by a crocodile and a fish as determinatives.

The real origin of 1 has been entirely misunderstood.

M. de Rouge, in his dissertation on the inscription of Aahmes,
considered it as "une sorte de pronom relatif," Avhich it
certainly is ; but in adding " tire du verbe dr " this eminent
scholar has led many of liis followers astray. A comparison
of many texts, some of which I shall quote, proves beyond
a doubt the absolute identity of 1 and <=> , and the

essential identity of both these forms with I *^~^ %^. The
Greek words of the Rosetta Inscription corresponding to

' The word g ') ^^ "V^ does not mean sin, but bad luck, mlsfortunf,
accident, e.g., in tlie prayer (Maviette, Monumens dioers, pi. 256) that the
king may be delivered ^il^ <rr> | jnj ^^ ' — r \

ma pir tamesu : er-ef em renpit ten " from all accidents coming against him
during this year." Cf. the Coptic TCOJULT" occurrere, casus, evenius. I am
surprised to find that the reading of sba tor is not yet exploded. 8ba

signifies a "gate," and is a masculine word, never found with a *. The f\dl
reading of ^ j-j in ancient times was ^i^ u >*( tuat, and in the later
times "^"^^n (as Dr. Lauth has proved beyond a doubt). It is the region

visited by the sun, and illumined by his rays {Todt. 15, 34) after his setting
upon earth imtil his rising {Denkm. Ill, 123 a) .

2 Diimichen, Rist. Ins. 9, 18.

314 Xote on Egypiian PreposttioiLS.

<=> her-ub am are avrSiv ev tc5 fieaw. sigmtyiiig " lu

the midst," <=> means " of them," [or " of which "] in this
passage at least, which aflfords a sufficient key to passages
in whicli <=> or I occur. The best proof I can i>;ive

of the accm-acy of the Greek version in this place is by
pointing out the exact equivalents in Egyptian texts of

the expressions <=> ? ^ I > and V 'V

These again are equivalent to I ' ^^ %• 4- T corresponding
to the Greek ard' a)u.

<z=> or its variant ^fllT <::::^ i i-e^ aru: in the
great geographical inscription of Abydos, signifies " the list
of which" or " theii- list." It is equivalent to •

ajyt-set : in another version of the same text. It is followed
at line 48 by the names of twelve odoriferous kinds of
wood, and at line 49 by the names of fourteen minerals,
the antecedents in the first case being | 1L %. i and
in the second ^ "j^ i /i • ^^^ ^^-^^ next page of the text
0 <==> aha aru : is " the quantity (or weight) of which,"

namely, of some metal which has just been mentioned.^

Another text says of a sacred place, " the gods which are
on both sides of it enter it in peace and their hearts rejoice,"
and it proceeds j | | <=:> T » jT '''^ pautneteru: aru: em held
" the gods which are in it [or " its gods "] are in jubilation."
Here <=> is used exactly like i %k • , and, like this
preposition, it is frequently found at the end of a sentence,
e.a., ^. <=* icrtiu : aru: "the deities lohich are

in it " or " its deities."

The 148th chapter of the Book of the Dead mentions

" the seven COWS " Y TW I hena ka dra : "and

llieir bull." In the same way the Annals of Thothmes III

- Compare Brugscb, Rec. II, pi. (59, 4, line 5, with the Intiquites, V. 22, and
Uiimichcn, Tempelimchr. pi. 96, line 11.

2 Sec Diimichcn, Bee. IV, 1,4; 6, 33 ; 8, 43, 48 ; 9, 49, 52, 54 ; 10, 55, 56, etc.
» DUmichen, Resuliate, pi. 39. See also 45, 1. 8 bis : 51, 16, 17, 21.

Note on Egyptian Prepositions. 315

speak of J ^ 1 1 i drti aru : " their milk," i.e., that

of the four cows which had just been mentioned. The

royal soldiers are said to be engaged 1 _ i 1

herap'^^et: 'aru: " in counting their things."

The words <=> I I , which occur in certain

J n 1 I I I

chapters of the Ritual, clearly signify " in their place."
More than once in the description of a royal building we

read of P ^'f J | | 1 *^^ Vw ^^ ^ ^^^'^^' ^^^•' ^'^ ^^
ma. Here sbcm : aru : signifies " the doors for it," or " its
doors." An equivalent of the whole phrase is 0 Jk J 1 I

— ♦<— ■=> — t shau:s em as 7nd. Both forms occur on a

portico of Seti I at Qurna.^

Another equivalent is 11 _^ " the doors into it."
In one of the texts published by Dr. Dumichen'* we find

¥ ? M P 77? "^^ ^ i "^*® ^^^'^^ '^^^'^^ ^^ cedar." As
I %k \. I stands for k Ik • ^ , so does i for

1 _4^ I "to them," "for them." The Egyptians used a

dative in many places where we use a genitive ;^ somewhat

as m the loose French expressions " la fille a Nicolas,^'

" son nom a lui,'' or the German " dem Niklas seine Tochter."

The curious tablet relative to the Princess of Bachtan

says of the kmg - — <-n Sb^* '<— — .^^^ -^ i Q

1-77—1 _ **— ^ -2^ A 1 I I I I t

td-nef set-ef urit hd aru: her seuas hen-ef,

» BenJcm. Ill, pi. 30, line 8.

2 II. pi. 32, line 17. This passage is referred to ia Dr. Brugsch's Dictionary
under the Tvord I ia a way which seems quite inadmissible. The

sentence certainly ends with ■ • A fresh sentence begins with

II*, and m ^k is not the preposition am, but a part of the word

ik\

aniu " tent."

3 JDenhm. Ill, pi. 1326 and e ; 152a, etc. ; also Diimichen, Result. 54, line 2.

* Tempelinscli. 102, 14.

s Cf. "^'^^T' p, 1 Sam. xvi, 18. See Gesenius, Or. p. 673.

Vol. II. 21

310 Note on Egyptian Prepositions.

" He placed his eldest daughter at the head of them to
invoke his majesty." Very similar passages occur in other
texts. In the great tablet of AbusimbeP we find S^* ^

'' — '^ %W m^ \ ^"^^ ^^ A * V ^ ■^^^"^/ ^'''^'^
em hat art er sehotep ab en neb tend " his eldest daughter at
th^ head of them to reconcile the heart of the Lord of both
lands." On another tablet- of Rameses II the conquered

\fc I ^ '^-— mesuisen em hat ari er tebhu

hotepu: )(^er hen-ef "their children at the head of those for
praying for peace before his majesty." And in the triumphal
inscription at Karnak^ the auxiliaries of iSeti II put themselves

"^^ • v\ ^ v\ ^^ I I I A '' ' —^ I J -^ I ^"^^

em-hdt ari er seksek ta en Rebu '• at the head of those for
r.avaging the land of Libya."

In the decree of Canopus, the particularly early seed time,

m. • ^> <rr>

kurt em hat dru : literally " one at the head of them."

It had escaped the attention of M. de Rouge that in the
inscription of Aahmes he had to deal vnth a compound
expression, not simply 1 but Ij 1 mhti-aru:.

This expression, the formation of which is analogous to
that of y I + -f and li -j- + » occurs pretty often

in the Egyptian texts. Other forms are l] <::> and
y 1 i ^ . It is always found between two sentences

or parts of a sentence. Its function is that of a relative
9,dverb. It occurs in the decrees of Rosetta and Canopus,
and is there found to correspond to the Greek adverbs
waavrws and ofioicos. But, literally, it corresponds most
exactly to the German "dergleichen," "desgleichen." Aahmes
says in his inscription, " I have been decorated with the
collar of gold seven times in presence of the whole country
and the slave population, male and female. In like manner

' Denkm. Ill, pi. 194. - IhiiL ].l. Ht5.

* Diimiclicn, Hisl. Ins. pi. 3, line 27.

Note on Egyptian Prepositions. 317

I have become possessor (t<L^o) of numerous estates." Of
the two sentences connected together by ?na<i-aru; the first
begins with *&i» \fc -^iP^\fcl ^= imr^ dud-kua em mib, the

second, symmetrically, with \ld i ^"i»^A^ i ■'== \l ^ "^
sahu-kua em aJietu: dsu:. The speaker on one of the Apis
tablets in the Louvre says that he had caused messengers
to be sent * li I \t ^'' ^'^ ''^*^ mati-aru

er td meldt " to the land of the south and likewise to
the land of the north." The Barberini obelisk, erected in
honour of Antinous, says that he was worshipped as a god
by the prophets and priests of Upper and Lower Egypt

y I I ^\N 1/ J i <=> mati-aru: en

* • Tiii0v\J(?»v\ *11® 'v—

'XJibut timit er ren~ef " so likewise was the name of the town
changed " in his honour.

The Karnak text of the Poem of Pentaur uses y i 1

in a place where the Sallier Papyrus has %k U ^ ^ •

In the curious hieratic inscription of Amenhotep in the
British Museum 0 i i ^ mati-dri^ stands between

two invocations, the former of blessings upon those who
shall protect the interests of a certain temple, and the
second of a curse upon those who shall neglect the injunc-
tions of the writer. In this as in all other texts the expres-
sion must be rendered " likeioise.'"'

The forms I , i • , are found, but they are not

specially feminine. The "Stele du songe," pubhshed by

1 For an explanation of this expression Dr. Brugscli in his Dictionary refers
to Melanges Egyptologiques, 2« serie, p. 338. Dr. Bii-ch here says, " La derniere

formule W l I *^~^ ^J de meme que celle que nous allons rencontrer

^ "V I "^^—^ %% est luie enigma encore non resolue." The second of these
riddles also now admits of a ready solution. _ S^ Vf =#m<V j|V^ j

apu ari pa ha, signifies "notice which is for the chief magistrate," etc. May I
Tenture also to suggest that 1 *^^~^ |^' ' is not the title of an officer. I ^^
is in concord with Mafaiu : I read, " the chief of the Mat'aiu who are at
wherever that may be.

318 Note on Egyptian Prepositions.

M. Mariette/ mentions a vestibule built by the king, with
.^^w^ i • %|k 1 ''wirv "its doors of bronze."^

Here the antecedent is masculine.

No doubt, I tliink, is possible as to the priority of
the foiTus - — V 5 %k , and <=> , with reference to 1 • — -n ,
I m^' and 1 <=> . The former are certainly not abridged
forms of the latter, A more plausible question is whether
the relative pronoun J ^ « ^^^J i^ot enter mto the com-
position of the longer forms. It is quite certain that I ^.
and 1 <=> are often exactly identical in meaning with

1 3 2^^^^^ Vw, ^^^ I ^ P^^f^ '^^^^ respectively. The com-

poimd preposition I ^ -Sbti seems to favom* this

hypothesis, which is, however, insufficient to explain the
origin of I '^*~^ or even of 1 %k when this preposition
does not refer to an antecedent.

The other prepositions will not detam us long.

4. The plm-al of * ape as a preposition signifying " upon "
occurs very frequently in the expression " those upon earth,"

m Egyptian ^' ' * \ ^ s °^' f \ i "^" ^'^•

5. The splendid sarcophagus of Seti has many instances

'^erii: ^(ii : ')(eru: shau: " fAose ztViO are? tt'i'^A the sun-disk and
those who are loith the stars."

6. The plural of the preposition ^ her " over, above,"
is familiar to us from the name of the five iira'^ofjuevai •^/xipai,
viz., J^ I ^ '*^^"^^ • '>^^^P^^ " the five days which are
over and above the year." In the 64th chapter of the

Ritual, reptiles are called • ^~~^ ' heru: yatu:

■^ I I I I I I I I I I I I ' ^

sen " those who are on then* bellies." [The Tm'in text is
mutilated in this place.]

7. Several instances of the plural V ^ — i " those who
with " are to be found, but, unfortunately, in mutilated
contexts.

' Monumens divers, pi. 8.

- Elecfriim, appording to Dr. Lepsiiis.

Note on Egyptian Prepositions. 311)

These are the principal simple prepositions. The com-
pound ones take the plural under similar conditions. The
inscription of Pianchi, ^ for instance, speaks of certain digni-

taries coming -=^ ^ ^y^ f lL ^ W TT ^i."

em amenti, em ahti ein tduu: lieru:-ab "from the west and
from the east and from the lands lohich are between." In
the 19th line of the same inscription the plural preposition is
written >. . We have, in the same way, i ■> "V " '

* ^V ^ I -»-- I I j^ I o «k 1 1 1 T ^^ I M I

It is not so easy to affirm with certainty that these
prepositions are in general susceptible of a feminine form.

Instances indeed are not rare of such forms as , <=> m

f M . . . ^ •

or with femmine nouns as antecedents. But the ques-

tion again recurs whether the • may not here stand for the
syllable • "V as in the cases of -I- %k and I

I ^ ^^ V. armau has long since been identified

by Mi\ Goodwin, who first discovered it, with ""^^ . But
the identity is only true in the sense that I ^k and i <:>
are identical with ^k and <==> respectively. The
lengthened form of the preposition is always pronominal,
and its construction similar to that of I %k .

The mention of ^_ ^ leads me to speak of a word which
has much puzzled Coptic scholars. Literally signifying " in
loco " h'-ma is used in ancient texts in the sense of

apud, cum, ubi, and ibi. I recognise it in the Coptic JUUUL<L'r,
e'/cei, and also as a pronominal base in JUUULO. Peyron
describes JULO as a word " incertee significationis." Yet if
JUUULO be = ""^^"^ = eKei, AJUULOC:| will be equivalent to
eKelvo^, " the person there," as it is in fact in Coptic ;
JUUULOI = " ille ego," and so forth.

There is another very puzzling word, of the origin of

• Line 107.

320 JVote on Egyptian Prepositions.

which 1 am not tpiite as sm-o, but it appears extremely
probable that JUUULin (Sahidic AJUULemoY), which PeyroD
calls "praspositio incertaj significationis," is derived fron
f^ ^^' ^^ ^^ '^-^ er-men, ermennu, a word which
originally siguitied "an arm," but is used as a preposition
in the sense of " extending to," " as far as," " up to."
JULJULirt JULJULOI means, then, "usque ad me," and the
reflective pronoun is expressed by epOI JUUULIIt jiXXf-Ol.
IleqcajJUL^. JUUULin JUUULoq signifies " his own body,"
somewhat in the same manner as tov Trap' avrai ^lotov in
Sophocles' means "his own life."

In the later times of the language the preposition <:^>
67' [or ('/] was changed to 1 ^ du. This phonetic change
is exactly what has occurred in many words in languages
derived from the Latin ; e.o., the French au, auhe, autel, cou,
coiiteau, du, the Spanish otro, &c. The Portuguese article o
stands for el. Nor is this change unknown in other languages.
In Greek the change of X into v is characteristic of the Cretan
dialect, which used avKciv, auKvova, avfia, avaos, auyelv,
evOelv for akKov, akKvovay aXfir), aKaos, a\<yelv, ekOelv. In

Mahri i^A now stands for i J^, and t_j.l for ^-il^ and

the same change is found in other Semitic dialects."

The inscription of Canojius uses the two forms _

^— ^^^^^ ■■■■■■ ^J**»—

\fc ^-^ du-men. There is an exact parallel

to this in the old French MSS., which use altre and autre
indiscriminately.

' $iXoi/ yap i(T6\uv eKJSaXelv, 'iaov Xeyco

Kal Tov Trap nvra ^lorov, ov TrKilaTov (piXel. — G^^dip. Tyr. 611.

- Sec 0-escnius, Carmina Samaritana, p. 43. Also Thesaurus, p. 727.
Lamed " emollitur passim in Waw idque quiesceiis, v. pag. 393a. Apud Phoenices
ct Poenos al syllaba ssejie raitigatur in {an) 6 Idem cadit in ar syllabam."

321

ON A NEW FRAGMENT OF THE ASSYRIAN CANON
BELONGING TO THE REIGNS OF TIGLATH-PILESER
AND SHALMANESER.

By George Smith.

Read 4th November, 1873.

Among the numerous smaller terra-cotta fragments of
the British Museum Assyrian Collection, I have discovered
another portion of the Canon History, The fragment
belongs to a duplicate of the tablet published in page 52
of the second volume of Cuneif. Insc, and contains the
remains of eleven lines of writing, belonging to the last part
of the reign of Tiglath-Pileser, and the reign of Shalmaneser.
From the Assyrian Canon the eponym names for the reign of
Shalmaneser were already known ; but notliing was known
of theii* titles, or of the events of the last complete year of
Tiglath-Pileser and the whole reign of Shalmaneser.

The new fragment throws light on both these points, and
besides removes all doubt as to the fact that Shalmaneser
ascended the throne in B.C. 727. The titles of the eponymes.
in the new fragment, run in the normal order, and show no
gap or irregularity whatever. The eponymes and events
from B.C. 732 to 723, according to the Assyrian Canon History,
now stand as follows : —

732. Eponym Nebobeluzm- governor of Sihime, expedition
to Damascus.

731. Eponym Nergaluballid governor of Aliizuhina, expe-
dition to Sapiya (Chaldea).

730. Eponym Belludari governor of Bile, in the country (that
is, thei'e loas no foreign expedition).

729. Eponym Napharili governor ot Kirruri, the king took
the hand of Bel {religious ceremonies in Babi/lon).

322 On a New Fragment of the Assynan Canon belonging

728. Eponym Durassar governor of Tuslian, the king took
the hand of Bel. The city Di {name lost, pro-
bably a revolt).

727. Eponym Belharran-bel-uzur governor of Gozan, expe-
dition to the city of [_name lost'] (month and day lost).
Shalmaneser on the throne sat.

726. Eponyin Merodachbaluzur governor of Amida, in the
country {that is, there icas no foreign expedition).

725. Eponym Tizkaruiqbi governor of Nineveh, expedition
to the country of {probably Palestine).

724. Eponym Assursimuani governor of Kalzi, expedition to
{country lost).

722. Eponym Shalmaneser kmg of Assyria, expedition to
{country lost).

The important bearing on Biblical Chronology of this
portion of Canon History is quite evident, as it confoms in
several points the received chronology.

Two copies of the history of Tiglath-Pileser, discovered
several years ago, state that the events therein recorded
extend from his accession to his seventeenth- year, and a
new copy, which I discovered "at Nimrud during the Daily
Telegraph Expedition, states the same fact. Now this
period extends from B.C. 745 to 729.

In these annals a great expedition to Syria and Palestine
is recorded, which corresponds to the expedition mentioned
in the Canon for the years B.C. 734 to 732. The accoimt of
this great expedition is imperfect, but there still remam the
details of the defeat of Rezin king of Syria, the siege and
conquest of Damascus, the subduing of soutliern Syria, the
spoiling and partial captivity of the Israelites, the conquest
of the Philistines, Edomites, and part of the Arabians. It is
evident that this great war is the same as the one described
in the Books of Kings, Chronicles, and Isaiah, according to
which Ahaz king of Judali, being attacked by the Syrians,
Israelites, Philistines, and Edomites, sent to ask the aid
of Tiglath-Pileser; who then came down and conquered
Damascus and Palestine.

to the Reigns of 7'iglath-Pileser and Shalmaneser. 323

At tlie close of this war, the Bible tells us, Ahaz paid
tribute to Tiglath-Pileser at Damascus ; and the Assyrian
account mentions him among the tributaries, giving him the
name of Yauhazi.

In connection with this war in Palestine, Tiglath-Pileser
mentions, as an event which happened after the expedition,
the accession of Hoshea king of Israel. Thus, according to
Assyrian Inscriptions, the accession of Hoshea was in the
interval from B.C. 732 to 729, and the received chronology
places it in this period.

The close agreement between the contemporary Assyrian
records and the Biblical Chronology, from the reign of Ahaz
downwards, enables all the dates to be fixed with a fair
amount of certainty ; only one of the numbers in the Bible
requiring rectification, the date of the expedition of Sen-
nacherib against Hezekiah long of Judah, 2 Kings xviii, 13,
where I should read " twenty-fourth year " instead of " four-
teenth year." The leading dates will then stand as follows : —

734. Ahaz attacked by Rezin king of Damascus and Pekali

king of Israel, calls in Tiglath-Pileser king of Assyria,

who makes an expedition to Palestine.
732. Tiglath-Pileser takes Damascus ; Ahaz meets him there

and pays tribute.
729. Pekah killed and Hoshea made king of Israel ; he pays

tribute to Tiglath-Pileser.
726. Accession of Hezekiah kmg of Judah.
725. Expedition of Shalmaneser king of Assyria against

Hoshea.
722 to 720. Siege and capture of Samaria.
712. Illness of Hezekiah; embassy of Merodach Baladan king

of Babylon.
711. Expedition of Sargon king of Assyria against Ashdod.
702-701. Expedition of Sennacherib king of Assyria against

Hezekiah of Judah.
697. Death of Hezekiah — accession of Manasseh.
680. Tribute of Manasseh king of Judah to Esarhaddon king

of Assyria.
642. Accession of Anion king of Judah.

324 On a New Frcujnient of the Assy nan Canon helonghuj

640. Accession of Josiah king of Judali.

609. Expedition of Necho king of Egypt against Assyria —

death of Josiah.
605. Battle of Carchemish — accession of Nebuchadnezzar king

of Babylon.
598. Captivity of Jehoiachin king of Judah.
597. Captivity of Zedekiah king of Judah.

I have included the later dates in the list to make it
more complete, but no Hebrew date below the accession of
Manasseh is affected by the Assyrian annals.

Satisfactory agi-eement between the Bible and the
Assyrian Inscriptions commences with the expedition in
which Tiglath-Pileser came to the help of Ahaz. Accord-
ing to the Bible the reign of Ahaz, sixteen years, was from
about B.C. 742 to 726, and the wars between him and Pekah
commenced at the beginnmg of his reign ; but these wars
lasted some time, and, according to 2 Chron. xxviii, 17, it
was after a second attack of the Edomites, when Ahaz was
pressed from all sides, that he asked the aid of Tiglath-
Pileser. The embassy of Ahaz may have gone to Tiglath-
Pileser m B.C. 735, for in B.C. 734 the Assyrian monarch came
to Palestine, and concluded the campaign by the capture of
Damascus in B.C. 732.

The next chronological point is the date of the death of
Pekah and the accession of Hoshea at Samaria. According
to the Bible, these events hapj^ened three years before the
death of Ahaz, that is B.C. 729. Now the annals of Tiglath-
Pileser mention these facts, and these annals extend down
to his seventeenth year, that is B.C. 729, the very year,
according to the Bible, of the accession of Hoshea. Some,
who Avish to lower the Biblical dates, have denied that the
annals end at the seventeenth year of Tiglath-Pileser, and
have asserted that the part recording the accession of Hoshea
belongs to a later reign. I am compelled to say on this
point, that the statements of the monuments are so precise
and explicit, that I cannot doubt for one instant that the
accession of Hoshea was about B.C. 729.

The next important event alluded to, in both the Bible
and the Inscriptions, is the accession of Shalmaneser king of

to the Reigns of Tiglatli-FUeser and Slialmaneser. 325

Assyria. The new fragment of Canon History mentions,
mider the year B.C. 728, that Tiglath-Pileser was engaged in
religious ceremonies in Babylonia, and then follows a broken
passage, probably referring to a revolt. Under the next
year, B.C. 727, we have an expedition, probably to subdue
this revolt, and immediately after this the end of the reign
of Tiglath-Pileser and the accession of Shalmaneser in
Assyria.

The account is so defective that we cannot be sure
about some points, but the most probable explanation is that
Shalmaneser revolted against Tiglath-Pileser in B.C. 728,
and defeated and succeeded him in B.C. 727. Taking this
explanation, a remarkable light is "thi-own on a passage in
Hoshea x, 14, where the prophet warns the Israelites of
their coming destruction, and says, "all thy fortresses
shall be spoiled, as Shalman spoiled Beth-arbel in the day
of battle : the mother was dashed in pieces upon her
children."

It has been suggested already that this passage refers to
a civil war in Assyria, and that Beth-arbel is the Assyrian
city of Arbela. The part of the new fragment of Canon
History which appears to refer to the revolt at the accession
of Shalmaneser, confirms this opinion, and the date of the
events, about seven years before the captivity of Israel,
makes it probable that the prophet alluded to them. In
confirmation of this, I would remark that our only royal
inscription of Shalmaneser does not give his genealogy ; as if
he had been an usurper.

The passage in Isaiah xiv, 28-29, " In the year that king
Ahaz died was this burden. Rejoice not thou, v/hole Pales-
tine, because the rod of him that smote thee is broken,"
probably refers also to the defeat and death of Tiglath-
Pileser. The date of this part of Isaiah, " The year when
Ahaz died," is B.C. 726, just after these events, and the
power of Assyria does appear to have been broken for a
time by these contests ; for Shalmaneser, according to the
new fragment, although he came to the throne B.C. 727,
did not undertake any expedition out of the country until
B.C. 725. The death of Tiglath-Pileser, in B.C. 727, just.

326 On a Neio Fragment of the Assynan Canon belonging

before the death of Ahaz, confirms the estabhshed BibKcal
date for the latter event, B.C. 726.

According- to the 2nd Book of Kmgs, Shalmaneser king
of Assyria came up against Hoshea king of Israel, and the
evidence of the new fragment makes it probable that tliis
was in the year B.C. 725, when Shalmaneser made his first
expedition.

The next dates in the list are the 4th and 6th of Hezekiah,
corresponding with the 7th and 9th of Hoshea, for the siege
and captivity of the city of Samaria. Here the agreement
■with the Assyrian is not quite so perfect, for although the in-
scriptions mention expeditions agamst Samaria in the years
B.C. 722 and B.C. 720, which are the years referred to, the
annals of both years are mutilated ; and it is not certain if
any continuous operations against Israel were undertaken in
the interval betAveen these expeditions. The Assja'ian annals
do, however, closely agree with the Bible in describing the
capture and captivity of Samaria ; and although the exact
year of the captivity is uncertain, there is no question that
it was not later than B.C. 720.

About the year B.C. 712 Hezekiah was sick, and the Bible
records that soon after an embassy arrived at Jerusalem
from Merodach Baladan king of Babylon, to make an alliance
with Hezekiah. To defeat this scheme Sargon next year,
B.C. 711, made an expedition agamst Palestine, and B.C. 710,
drove Merodach Baladan from the throne of Babylon.
After this Merodach Baladan only reigned for a few months
in B.C. 704, and being defeated again by the Assyrians, fled
to Elam and died there. The time of the reign of Merodach
Baladan at Babylon gives us only two periods at wliicli it is
possible to fix his embassy to Hezekiah, either before B.C. 710,
or dm-ing B.C. 704 ; I have chosen the earlier date as agreemg
with the Bible chronology and the sm-rounduig circum-
stances.

The statement of the prophecy of Isaiah during the illness
of Hezekiah, B.C. 712, 2 Kings xx, 6, "I Tvdll deliver thee and
this city out of the hand of the king of Assyria," clearly
points to an Assyrian invasion, and one happened next year,
B.C. 711.

to the Reigns of Tiglath-Pileser and Shalmaneser. 327

In Isaiah xx we have the date, " In the year that Tartan
came unto Aslidod (when Sargon the king of Assyria sent
him) and fought against Ashdod and took it." The expe-
dition against Ashdod, according to the Assyrian annals,
was B.C. 711. The king of Ashdod had revolted, and alhed
himself with Judah, Edom, Moab, and Egypt. The area of
the revolt is significant ; the kingdom of Israel had been
destroyed, and the opposition to Assyria is confined to the
south of Palestine. Sargon captured Ashdod and quelled
the revolt, the Egyptians afibrdmg no help to their allies.

The next important date is that of the expedition of Sen-
nacherib king of Assyria against Hezekiah. The Assyrian
annals place this B.C. 702 or 701, being about the 24th or
25th year of Hezekiah, whereas the text of the 2nd Book of
Kings makes it the 14th. I would here suggest that there is
an error in the number, and propose, with Dr. Hincks, to read
24th instead of 14th. Another suggestion to meet this
difficulty has been proposed by Rev. A. H. Sayce, who
believes that the account m the 2nd Book of Kings combines
the campaign of Sargon, B.C. 711, with that of Sennacherib,
ten years later.

So far as all these events are concerned, with this single
rectification, they all agree with the standard system of
Bibhcal dates ; but as I have given the evidence in favour
of the ordinary chronology, I feel bound to mention two
difficulties which throw doubt upon it. Fhst, it is doubtful
if Tirhakah kmg of Ethiopia, who came up to assist Hezekiah,
commenced his reign so early as B.C. 701 ; and second, in
the palace buried mider the mound of Nebbi Yunas there
are records of a later campaign of Sennacherib agamst
Palestme about the year B.C. 690. Nebbi Yunas is, however,
mostly unexplored, and the fragments referruig to this cam-
paign are too imperfect at present to form a judgment
upon.

The last point of contact between the discovered inscrip-
tions and the Bible, is in the year B.C. 680. At this time
Esarhaddon came against Palestine, and received tribute
from Manasseh king of Judah. This is a proof that Manasseh
was already on the throne at that date.

328 On a New Fragment of t lie Assyrian Canon belonging

I cannot quit this subject A\'ithout pointing out the curious
parallel in the order of the subjects between the first thirty-
seven chapters of Isaiah on one side and the Assyrian history
of Tiglath-Pileser, Shalmaneser, Sargon, and Sennacherib on
the other.

To exhibit tliis I place them in opposite columns.

ISAIAH.

Ch. I to VI. — During the time
of Uzziah king of Judah.

Ch. VII to X. — Relate to the
expedition of Tiglath-Pile-
ser Icing of Assyria against
Syria and Israel, in the
reign of Ahaz.

Ch. xm and first half of XIV.—
Against Babylon.

Ch. XIV, V. 28 to 32.— In the
year of death of Ahaz, rod
of smiter broken.

Ch. XV and XVI. — Against
Moab.

Ch. xvn. — Against Damascus,
Aroer and Israel.

Ch. xvm and xtx.— Against
Egypt.

ASSYRIAN ANN.\LS.

B.C. 738. Tiglath-Pileser men-
tions Azariah (Uzziah) king
of Judah.

B.C. 734-732. Expedition of
Tiglath-Pileser against
Damascus, Israel, and Phi-
listia, tribute of Yaiihazi
(Ahaz) king of Judah.

B.C. 731. Tiglath-Pileser con-
quers Babylon and annexes
it to Assyria.

B.C. 727.— Death of Tiglath-
Pileser.

B.C. 725. — Reign of Shalma-
neser ; details unknown

B.C. 720. — Expedition of Sar-
gon king of Assyria
against Qarqar (Aroer)
Damascus, and Samaria.

B.C. 715. — Egypt makes alli-
ance with Assyria.

B.C. 712. — Egypt stirs up re-
volt in Palestine against
Assyria.

io the Reigns of Tiglath-Pileser and Shalmaneser. 329

ISAIAH.

Ch. XX. — In the year of cap-
ture of Ashdod, prophecy
against Egypt.

Ch. XXI, V. 1 to 10. — Against
Babylon.

Ch. XXIII.- -Against Tyre.

Cli. XXIV to XXIX. — Senna-
cherib's invasion.

Ch. XXX and xxxi. — Against
relying on Egypt.

Ch. XXXII to xxx\^I, r. 36.

Ch. xxxvn, V. 37 and 38. —
Mm-der of Sennacherib and
accession of Esarhaddon.

ASSYRIAN ANNALS.

B.C. 711. — Sargon takes Ash-
dod ; king of Egypt aban-
dons his allies.

B.C. 710.— Sargon
Babylon.

conquers

B.C. 702-1. — Phoenicia at-
tacked by Sennacherib
Idng of Assyria; the king
flies fi'om Tyi'e to Cyprus.

B.C. 702-1. — Sennacherib
marches through Palestine.

B.C. 702-1. — Sennacherib de-
feats the Egyptian army
at Eltekeh.

B.C. 702-1. — Sennacherib at-
tacks Judah.

B.C. 681. — Murder of Senna-
cherib and accession of
Esarhaddon.

In the passages relating to Babylon and in some others,
later events are mentioned ; some chapters I have omitted,
as they have no relation to known Assyrian events of the
period.

330 On a JS^ew Fragment of the Assyrian Canon belonging

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to the Reigns of 7\glath-Pileser and Shalmaneser. 331

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333

NOTE ON M. LENORMANT'S " LETTRE SUR
L'INSCRIPTION D^DICATOIRE HIMYARITIQUE
DU TEMPLE DU DIEU YAT'A A ABIAN."

By Captain W. F. Prideaux, F.R.G.S., Bombay Staff Corps.
{Appendix to " Discoveries in South Western Arabia," page 1.)

AVhilst my paper "On some recent discoveries in
Soutli- Western Arabia" was passing through the press, I
received a copy of M. Francois Lenormant's Lettres Assyrio-
logiques et Epigrapldques, the second volmne of which contains
two papers which deserve attentive consideration at the
hands of all students of early Arabian history. On the
present occasion I propose to devote a few liaes to the
subject treated in the former of these essays, which not
only ofiers an exhaustive commentary upon the particular
Himyaritic text which I have cited in the heading of this
Note, but also forms a complete summary of the knowledge
of which the world was in possession up to the publication
of M. Joseph Halevy's collection of inscriptions in 1872,
upon the history, language, and religion of the people of
South-Western Arabia, as deduced from contemporaneous
monuments.

The inscription in question formed one of seven which are
stated to have been discovered amongst the ruins of Abyan,
in the year 1844, by M. Gauldraud, a medical officer of the
French Marine. Six of these inscriptions (including the
text before us) were copied by this gentleman, whilst the

334 JVote on Af. Lenorinant''s IThmiaritic Inscription.

seventh (of which a transci-ipt is given by M. Lenormant)
was taken away and carried to Paris. The exact date of
our inscription cannot be fixed with certainty, as -will be
shown further on ; but, taken altogether, it forms one of the
most important specimens of ej)igraphic writing of which
we have any knowledge. To Englishmen, its chief interest
centres in the fact that it is a record of a votive offering to
the god Yatha'™, the tutelary deity of 'Aden, and that it
forms a valuable piece of e^ddence in corroboration of the
testimony of the ancient geographers concerning the power
and greatness of that city in early times. There cannot be
a doubt that, Avith the exception of the passage in Ezekiel
(xxvii, 23), this slab is the earliest memorial we possess of a
port which, after the lapse of ages, bids fan-, under British
auspices, to regain its former prominent position as the
connecting link between East and West.

The exact locality in which this interesting relic was
discovered, and the manner in which it was obtained, are
not indicated by M. Lenormant. The district of Abyan,
which is said to derive its name fi-om a son of Himyar, and
which is included by a very early writer, Al-'Abbasi, amongst
the forty provinces of Yemen, is situated immediately to the
north-east of 'Aden, and is celebrated for its productiveness.
After being possessed for many years by the Yaflfa'i tribe, it
fell into the hands of the Ahl-Fadlil in the year 1 839. It is
known to possess many memorials of the olden time, but the
country has never been explored by any European, and, with
the exception of Avaifs and strays, such as the present tablet
and one or two in the British Museum (Nos. 29 and 35),^ no
monuments have ever been brought to light.

A very carefully drawn facsimile of M. Gauldraui'«
inscription has been given by M. Lenormant, but it contains
so many errors that at first sight it appears undecypherable.
A very short study, however, shows that these are attri-
butable to the fact that the copyist was unacquainted Avith
the Himyaritic character, and has accordingly made few or
no distinctions between those letters Avhich possess some slight

' The British Museum tablets will bp cited by the numbers they bear in the
work published by the Trustees in 1863,

Note on M. Lenormant' a Himyaritio Inscription. 335

resemblance to each other. |^ and |2|, *f and y, O and 0,
Y and ^, "I and ^, for instance, are all represented by one
character, the first ; while ]] has in nearly every place lost
the perpendicular stroke. After the necessary corrections
are made, a matter which presents no difiiculty, the text
stands thus : —

S1oniA?>AID1fthlDiMl3Hno

n I OSI Do'Tn IDoSTIXfRHD i^Thn®

D A I h n 1 4' n 1 ft I h n I ? 1 o V n A u > V

1ftAIiniDo8TI®I!VV*<i'IXHnH'inoV

His?«<DV?«ii]oni<p!iVT<>®vixHnin

? 3 m H o H I II o 8 ? I a. T h * V o I o V ft n h X I h
AIMn^inVHIXHHftloDVXOlffil^DVIl

hHoihMvirooxi'unvT^oiK^ooiiix
nv(iiD®i«>vionft^inh?nftiKviiXTn
«iv*iiiftniAn'BMn*i>X8oniii>,iHoA«i.
iftn®iiihHonxHn'»ii]?ii4'XHn®iDogfn
hHoisnvifxviftn^iTV

330 Note on M. Lenormant' s Himyaritic InscniUion.

M. Lenormant translates the inscription as follows : —

" Abd-Schams Asslam, eiinuque de notre seigneur le
tobba Schouralibil, roi de Saba, et son frere Mart'ad, esclave
du roi, fils de Wal, serviteur et esclave des rois de Saba, ont
consacre le temple de Yata et ont construit un autel de
sacrifices a Yat'a, dans le jour de Nouf, dans I'annee de
Samahali fils de Ilascharh fils de Samaliali, parceque Yat'a
les a exauces conformemeut a leur priere, parceque Yat'a
les a preserves — et il maintiendra cette promesse qu'il a faite.
Et ils ont ofFert a Yat'a seigneur de Aden leur present et
leur ofii-ande, un poids d'or et d'argent, de metal en lingots
et d'especes monnayees, pour leur propre salut et le salut de
notre ville de Aden, de notre chateau ici present de Abian, de
ses seig-neui's et de leur roi, ainsi que pour leur hein-euse
fortune. Au nom de At'tor, au nom de Haoubas, au nom de
II maqah, au nom de Yat'a, au nom de Dhat-Hhami, au nom
de Dliat-Badan, et au nom des dieux et deesses de notre cit^
de Aden."

I submit the following, though wath considerable diffi-
dence, as a more correct version : —

" 'Abd-Shems™ Aslam (the crop-eared), a eunuch of
our lord Tobba' Sharahbil king of Saba, and his brother
Marthad™ a slave of the King, the sons of Wal a servant
and slave of the Kings of Sabli, have consecrated a house to
Yatha'"" and have erected an altar [lit. a place for sacrifices]
for Yatha'™ on the day of Naf, in the year of Samah'ali the
son of Il-sharah the son of Samah'ali, because Yatha'™ has
heard them in accordance with their prayers, inasmuch as
Yatha' has presei-ved them {or, kept them safe and sound) ;
and may he maintain this, his augury ! and they have endowed
Yatha'"", the lord of 'Aden, their patron and their tutelary-
god, with weighty ofiermgs of gold and silver, of ingots and
coined money, in consideration of their safety and the safety
of this city of 'Aden, and of this veiy house of [i.e., in)
Abyan™, and of its lords, and of their King, and in con-
sideration of their prosperity. In the name of 'Athtor and
of Haubas and of Jl-AIakah and of Yatha'™ and of Dhat-
Himii'" and of Dhat-Ba'dan*" and of the gods and goddesses
nf tliis citv f>f 'Aden."

Note on M, Lenormant's Himyaritie Inscription. 337

There are a few passages which need a word or two of
explanation : —

Line 1. ^ '^ O f]. — The statement made by M. Lenormant
in his commentary on the inscription relative to the final
^ in h '1 O fl and h ) ~| V i^^^^st, I think, be accepted
with some reservation. This letter, which is so often found
suffixed to words in the inscriptions, so far fi'om being the
ordinary indication of the first person plural, is very seldom
so ; and fi'om a comparison of numerous texts in which the
word occurs, I am very doubtful if the word H ) T V
(lines 11 and 15) should ever be translated "owr city." I am
disposed to view the ^ rather as a demonstrative enclitic,
the force of which is intensified in the word h V S X ? (1
(line 12) by the addition of '-j ^. This \ is sometimes
combined with the actual demonstrative pronoun ^ |^ as in
h H h 5 II I S H i.^' ^' passim), and sometimes it stands
by itself, as in 431^3 (^- ^^- 29). It may, in fact, be
said in some degree to possess the power of the definite
article in Arabic, e.g., ,Js>-)\, ij^)\ \i^i t^^& man, this man.

Line 4. © r*| ^ ~j. — The primary meaning of the ^thiopic
verb T^P is pronum se inclinavit, thence humiliter rogavit,
supplicavit, and finally, grata aninio laudavit Deuvi. In hke
manner the word r*| "^ 5 which so frequently occurs in
M. Halevy's inscriptions, appears to be akin to the Arabic
Jj, humilis et suhmissus fuit. The signification which

the word f^i h "| bears in Himyaritie, botli in its verbal and
substantival forms, is easily deduced from the derivative
-^thiopic term, ']'i*^ sacerdos idolorum, sacrijiculus.

Line 4. X ? fl* — ^ have translated the word X ? fl*
which occurs m two places, and which M. Lenormant has
rendered temple m the fourth fine and chateau in the twelfth,
by the simple equivalent house. We first of all find the
word in its indefinite form, X ? fl' ^ house; afterwards in
its strongly demonstrative form, ^ ^ h X ? fl' ^^'^'^'^ ^^^'^
house; and I consider it to be beyond dispute that the
same building is referred to in both passages. The term
® f*l ^ "], theif consecrated, offers no support to the hypothesis
that X ? n ^ust here be translated temple, for we find in-

338 Note on M. Lenomuint's Himi/aritic Inscription.

Halevy's inscriptions fi*om Al-Baidha (Nos. 280, sqq.) that
Yada'-il Bayyin, the son of Yatha' amir Watr, Makrab of
Saba, consecrated his city of Nashk :

)(iIll)X<fl)Ilfso8?lhnih?ni1?ioH?

iii*3Hi®v)ivi;shiifsnAin

that is to say, placed it under the protection of the gods
with sacrificial ceremonies.

The true meaning of the word X 7 (1 "^o^^lcl seem to
be, not a castle or fortified building, as Osiander suggests,
but a house to which a private chapel is attached. We will
suppose the house to be built and ready for occupation : in
this chapel or dehibrum, a statue of the divinity who forms
the special object of the worship of the family, is erected,
and after sacrifices have been offered, and gifts presented,
the building and its inmates are formally given over to
the protection of this god, or, Himyarice, U ? ^- In the
inscription which I have quoted above, Yada'il Bayyin does
this on a larger scale with regard to the city of Nashk, of
which we may presume he was the founder.

In the work called Abushaker, which was composed by
an ecclesiastic of that name in the monastery of Ma'alka, in
Egypt, about the year 1258 A.D., and which was afterwards
translated into Geez, we find the expression :

+^n>^ : Adrfi : HCrrM; : ^H^ : at : ^P-^^ :

"A little shrine or niche (conclave) for images which is called
the house of idols." The word AdTfi i^ ^^^^^ passage is an
^thiopic reproduction of the Arabic ^ \ (plur. of \\

which is generally represented in Himyaritic by h h S ®»
but which appears in its ^thiopic form in my inscription
No. VI, where we find the expression ^ X ® rh M ^ fl'
lord of images. The cedes or deluhrum attached to the
dwelling-house of a Sab^an chief was the n.'f : ^P'X'^
of the ^thiopic chronologist.

The proper word for a castle or fortified building is
H 0 I' U' which we find so often in the inscriptions
of M. Halevy, and which is equivalent to the ^thiopic

Note on 31. Lenormant' s Himyaritic Inscription. 339

*^*^diJ?'j « tower. Al-Hamdanl uses the word frequently in
this sense, both in the singular and plural, jj^-i^^ , j^Us^^ ^-d'^

^ hf^ d'^ ij! ^j^. ^ ^^ 't^r* ^J } c^i^^ ^^

" Hadhramaut and its fortified palaces : Damur belonging to
Himyar, and Labair^ (?) to the sons of Ma'di-Karib from the
race of Kindah, and Shabwah (Sabota), which is between
Baihan and Hadln-amaut, and Khaurah, in which there is the
race of Kindah at this day and Terim, the place of the
kings of the race of Beni-'Amru, the son of Mo'awiyah, from
whom sprung Abu-1-Khair, the son of 'Amru, who sent to
the king of Persia (the Kesra or Chosroes) for assistance."
In employing this term Al-Hamdani appears to have borrowed
an indigenous Himyaritic vocable, as the word is not found
in Arabic. Similarly, in another place, he describes Bainun
as <U-»lic ,rsU) , a large hajar or city.

Line 8. h ? ^ ® V ?• — Contrary to the opinion of
Osiander and Ewald, I cannot help thinkmg that the final ^
in such verbal forms as this is indicative of the optative or
subjunctive rather than of the aorist. This ^ is elided in

proper names, ..;,., hIDV*?. AllinJtT. 1h4')3T.

etc., but when there is a wish expressed with reference to
the subject-matter of an inscription, it is retained, as in the

common formula: ThflllHIlOhX^IXlIohlXHI.

both because of (j^ast^ favour, and may favour (in future) attend
the sons of Compare also B.M. 26:|®I]*|*f^(D'1

Sh?iin<i)|®YhtHI.IlVTh*M,?0<D«i).

for their safety and the safety of their possessions ivhich
they have acquired, and may they acquire {more) I as well
as the form which is usually found on mortuary inscriptions,
) X 8 O I 4 O D ^ ? 1, {H. 639, 680, Prid. IX), May 'Athtor
reduce . . .!

' My MS. copy unfortunately has this word unpointed.

340 yote on M. Lenormant's Himyaritic Inscription.

Line 9. V fh fl S X- — This word, wliich I have trans-
lated "augury," appears from its etymology to signify a
thing, which having happened once, may be predicted to
occur again. The votaries, 'Abd Shems and Marthad, having
once seen their prayer frilfilled, regard the favom- of the
god as a happy omen, and confidently look forward to a
recurrence of their good fortune.

Lines 9-10. <DllVX03a>l VD ? l" TWs Phrase
occm-s for the first time in this mscription, although we
find the two words placed separately in several texts.
M. Lenormant translates the passage : " their present and
their offering." The time meaning can, however, be easily
determined fi'om the signification of the word H ? J, which
invariably denotes a "patron," and is equivalent to the
^thiopic ^R^ prce.positus, and the Amharic Sham, a term
comprehending all grades of officials fi'om the governor of
a province to the headman of a village. The word ]] f ]{
meaning a " patron " or " tutelary god," fi-equently occurs
in Himyaritic, e.g., B.M. 4, " they have endowed their patron
Il-Makah with a tablet," H. 485, "and he renewed for Nakrah
their patron all the roofs ^ ^ |J^ (k_ciL.»J • • •" <^c. In the
ninth Inscription of Arnaud, the same term is applied to the
god 'Athtor, who is called ^ ^ f X either " the patron,"
par excellence, or their patron, ^ being a contracted fonn of
<D 3 y, as in ^ -^ ^ ^ ^, " then prayer."

This word is derived from a verbal root common to all
the Semitic languages, of which the primary signification is
posuit. Another derivative is the form X II T 1 D i^-^^- 7
and 9, where it occurs in conjunction with Q} f*^), which
is wrongly translated by Lenormant as "le lieu oil ils
ont etablis." The correct version is "their storehouses,"
X D T 1 B ^^^"S equivalent to ^^}Jy^, which we
find with this signification in the ^thiopic translation
of the sacred wTitings (Job xxxviii, 22). M. Lenormant
also calls attention to the interesting tablet in the British
Museum, No. 36, where we see the verb employed in the
feminine dual form f X B X

The word X ^ 1 which follows is, as M. Lenormant

Note on M. Jjenormant' s Himyaritic Inscription. 341

points out, obviously akin to the Hebrew riDU? posuit}
He has cited some passages in which the word occurs as a
verb in the third person singular of the preterite tense
(thrice masculine, once feminine), but he omits to notice the
expression 0]] ^ XOIIfl)!?!' where we can scarcely
doubt it is used substantively. I am of opinion that it
must be accepted here as nearly synonymous with J] ^ J j
that is to say, a divinity to whom a votive offering is
dedicated. The proper expression for the oiBfering itself
would, on the analogy of other Semitic languages, be

toil-

Lmes 10-11. {> ) © ® | D X fi-— There is little doubt
that the translation given by M. Lenormant of this phrase,
" ingots and coined money," is correct. The original meaning
of ^ ) (D {JEth. (D <^ ^ ) was, however, " gold," from its
yellow colour, and the signification of " coin " is quite a
secondary one. In the Amharic language at the present
day, the less precious metal affords a designation for money
in general, the probable reason being that gold coins are no
longer current in Abyssinia.

Lines 13 sqq. — There is little to add to M. Lenormant's
ingenious remarks upon the theogony of the ancient Sabseans,
but attention may be drawn to the form ) X ^» following
'^f*], which occurs in the 150th inscription of M. Halevy
(No. 7 of Medinet-Haram). I cannot understand M. Lenor-
mant's difficulty with respect to the etymology of the name
of the solar god, Haubas. Fresnel was imdoubtedly right
in translating the name by " Siccator,"^ and referring it to
the verb U^Il!j as an etymon. His mistake lay in not properly
appreciatmg the value of the mitial H, which he supposed
was identical with the Hebrew article. In point of fact,
there is no question of the permutation of *i and 1 in this
word. It is a simple derivation from the Hiphil form of
^1'^, namely, t2?''l'i(l, a word used frequently in the Old
Testament, and invariably with the signification to dry up,
or dessecher. tljl^ is, as remarked by Fresnel, the intransi-
tive form, etre sec.

1 Cf. the use of this word in Isaiah xxTi, 12.

2 Journal Asiatique, IV Serie, Tome VI, p. 23^?.

342 Note on M. Lenormant's Himyaritic Intcription.

M. Leiiormant is probably right in his derivation of the
name of the goddess ^ ? ^ 4* X H' \'*^^\ cjU- The Baron
McGuckin de Slane, in his notes to his translation of Ibn
Khallikan, says fVol. I, p. 123) : " Among the ancient Arabs,
the shaiklis reserved for then- o-svn use a certain portion of
ground near the camp ; this was called the Hima, or forbidden
spot, and no other dare feed his flocks or hunt in it. Later
poets designate by this word the spot Avhere the beloved is
supposed to reside ; and mystic writers call Heaven the Hima,
1)ecause God, the object of love, dwells there." The temenos
in which the Himyaritic goddess resided was rather a celestial
than an earthly one.

The attributes of the sister goddess ^ h H ^ PI X H »
may be referred, with a not dissimilar signification, to the

root i\xi'

The date of the Abyan inscription is uncertain. M.
Lenormant has endeavoured to fix it as early as the year
100 B.C., but his arguments, which are piincipally based on
the hypothesis that the rupture of the Dyke of Marib was
anterior to the time at which the Erythraean Periplus was
written, do not appear to be conclusive. The mere fact that
the city of Marib is not mentioned in that work is not sur-
prismg, as it only professes to give a description of the coast ;
and there is every reason to believe that the Arab writers
are in error when they state that there was a succession of
capitals in the Himyarite kingdom, viz., Maiib, Zhafar, and
San'a. Eratosthenes, in Strabo, informs us that Arabia Felix
was divided into four distinct governments, and we learn
on the authority of Hamza of Ispahan, one of the most trust-
worthy of the old annalists, that up to the time of Harith
Ar-Rayish there were two kings, one of whom reig-ned in
Saba, the other in Hadhramaut, and that even these two
were not universally obeyed by the inhabitants of Yemen.»
Nothing is more probable than that under the successors of
that monarch things reverted to their former status, and
that from time to time various provinces of the empii-e were
ruled by princes who were enabled to assume the regal title

' Ed. Gottwaldt, 844, |K^-

Note on M. Lenorrnant' s Himyaritic Inscription. 343

as the fi-uit of a successful revolt. One of the four govern-
ments of Strabo was undoubtedly the great kingdom of
'^ O ^ {Mincei) ; the second was that of /*j f] |*j {Sahoei)
and ]] ) I 1J T {Homeritce), the sovereignty over which was
at the date of the Periplus united in the person of Charibael
{Kariba-il) ; the third was that of X D ) B H^ ( Chatramotitce) ;
and the fom-th that of ^^ fj X ^ {Catabani).^ Seeing, there-
fore, that the country was from a very early period cut up
into so many monarchies, I cannot but consider the theory
advanced by M. Lenorrnant, namely, that there was one con-
solidated kingdom m Yemen up to the date of the rupture
of the Dyke, to be wholly untenable ; and that there are far
better grounds for supposing that the principal stem of the
Kahtanide Sabsean family (Malik Saba loa Dlno-Raiddii) was
settled at Zhafar (where we know the royal mint was
situated, and which is expressly termed metropolis by the
■UTiter of the Penplus), and that Marib was governed as a
dependency by a junior branch, who enjoyed the title of
Makrab Saba. Nor does the designation eV^ecr/^o? ^acriXevs,
given by the Periplus to Charibael, lend colour to the
supposition that in the time of that sovereign the united
kingdom of Saba and Himyar was in its decadence. The
glowing accounts of that prince's power handed down to us
by the Greek wi'iter are fully corroborated by the inscrip-
tion which attests the greatness of Kariba-il Yehan'am, the
restorer of the mighty builduigs in the neighbourhood of
Marib, which are known as the Haram of Bilkis.

In my former paper on this subject I endeavoured to
show that the ^Tkda-apos of Strabo, and the Il-Sharah of the
Marib inscriptions were one and the same person, and that
Kariba-il Watr Yehan'am was identical with the Xapc^arjX of
the Periplus. In the genealogical table which I drew up
there was a name missing between Il-Sharah and Dhamar'ali

' The four kingdoms are described by Theophrastus as follows : yiverai /xev
ovv 6 Xi^avos Kol T] (Tfivpva koL fj Kaa-ia Koi en to Kivvafiavov iv rfj rdv
'Apa^av XeppovTjcroi irepi re ^a^a koi A8pdpvTTa koi Kirl^aiva koX MaXt
( ? Mam) — Hist. Plant, ix, 4. The LXX translate D^'^^J^Q (2 Chron. xxvi, 7,
A.V. Mehunims) by Mivaiovs, and if the passage refers, as Michaelis conjectures,
to the Minsei of Diodorus Siculus and Strabo, the autonomy of the tribe must
have dated from very ancient times. Cf. also Judges x, 12.

344 Note on M, Lenormanis Himyantic Inscnption.

Bajyin, the father of Kariba-il Watr. This hiciina can, I
thmk, be satisfactorily filled up by the name of Sharahbil,
the king of the Abyan inscription. M. Lenormant rightly
says, "when referring to Caussin de Perceval's identification
of the king Dhu-1-Adhar with 'IXdaapos, " que le rejet de la
conjecture onomastique . . . [ne] doive [pas] entrainer
n^cessairement et absolument la chute de son opinion
historique." The tradition of a foreign invasion in the reign
of Dhu-1-Adliar certainly lends weight to the hypothesis that
this prince is the ^IXdaapos of Strabo and the Il-Sharah of
the inscriptions. We also know that according to the Arab
writers the successor of Dhu-1-Adliar Avas Sharahbil,^ who is
stated by some historians to have been the son of his
predecessor, but who probably belonged to a collateral branch
of the Kahtanide family. Without, however, discussmg the
question further, I think it may be taken as proved that the
date of the inscription must be ascribed to a period not far
removed from the Christian era ; and from the epithet
) n V '^'^ learn that 'Aden at this time was a large and
important city. A few years later, as we are assured by the
writer of the Petiplus, the port was destroyed by the Roman
Emperor, and had rapidly descended to the rank of an
insignificant village, whose value solely rested upon the
facfiities it possessed for watering vessels.

^ Hamza of Ispalian and a few other ■writers call the prince Sharahil, a name
met with in M. Halevy's inscription, No. 504, in the preterite and optatiye
forms, "1 f*l H' ) 3 ^'^'^ 1 rh H' ) 3 ?• The first part of this name is
probably identical with the ^thiopic UJ^**! splendor igneus, quo cireumfusum
rmtnen divinum apparet ; gloria Dei; or a cognate verb, UJ^fh prosperum
suceessum dare. As no such divinity as H rt 11 Bil or Biil, exists, to the
best of my knowledge, in any Oriental theogony, I can only translate the
name T pi 11 i y 3 ^^ splendens, aut prosper, fuit per Deum ; but I so
strongly doubt whether the verb T )3 ^^^^^ i" "^^^ ^I'^t conjugation be
applied to a mortal, that I prefer suggesting that an eiTor may have crept into
the copy of the inscription made by M. Gauldraud, and that the correct tran-
script of the word should have been "1 ri T )3 -^^"^ splendens fuit aut
prosperavit. I am aware that the form | n fl T ) 3 o'^'^^^^ ^ *'^'^ Hisn-
Ghor9,b inscription, but this is only one of the many difficulties which attend
the interpretation of that text, and the copy we have in our possession cannot
be regarded as authoritative.

Note on M. Le7iormant's Uimyaritic Inscription. 345

Of Yatha'"", the tutelary god of 'Aden, we know nothing
except that his attribute appears to be that of a Saviour or
Preserver (i^tp^).^ The word is found not only in proper

names, asm]]oJfl>iriOj but (probably as a verbal
form) in the common designation of the kings of Saba,
) II rh ^ 8 ?j ^^^ ^^ the surname of several kings of Ma'n,
in M. Halevy's inscriptions. In the British Museum Series,
No. 8, we find it as the proper name of a man, Yatha'™ the
son of Marthad"".

Of the views expressed by M. Lenormant on the subject
of a graduated hierarchy of official personages attached to
the Com't of the King of Saba, I will say nothing beyond
remarking that, as he saw cause whilst writing his paper to
alter the opinions he at first entertained with respect

to the rhfllSirDAH' ^ f^®^ ^o doubt that a perusal
of M. Halevy's inscriptions will cause him similarly to
modify his conception of the position of the 4 ? fl' ) X ®»
and 4^ } H' ^ must, however, in conclusion, whilst acknow-
ledging the high interest of this important contribution
to our scanty stock of knowledge upon the antiquities
of Arabia, express the gratification which I personally
feel in discovering that the conclusion at which I lately
arrived with regard to the value of the inscriptions and
other ancient monuments of Yemen, as compared with the
testimony of the Arab historians, so far meets with the
concurrence of M. Lenormant, that I find I have been
unintentionally guilty of a plagiarism, in thought, if not
in exact expression, as the following passage will attest : —
" On ne pent pas plus faire I'histoire de la monarchic Sabeenne
avec les recits traditionnels des ecrivains musulmans, que
notre histoire de I'^poque Carlovingienne avec les chansons
de geste du cycle epique de Charlemagne."

^ This verbal root is found in the names of Joshua or Jesus, of the prophets
Isaiah and Hosea, and of the Moabitish king Mesha. It also occurs as a Phoe-
nician name in the sixth intaglio pubhshed by the Count de Vogu^ {Melanges
d' Archeologie Orientale, p. 111).

340

ON THE RELIGIOUS BELIEF OF THE ASSYRIANS.

No. IV.

By H. F. Talbot, F.R.S., &c.

Read 2nd December, 1873.

Future Punishment of the Wicked.

I HAVE shown in my previous papers that the Assyrians
believed that the spnits of just men rose to heaven, to the
company of the gods. It remains to learn, what was the
fate of the wicked? A recent ingenious writer^ has asserted,
that in the Assyrian Hades " there appears no trace, as far as
ive knoic, of a distinction of reioards and punishments."'^

It Avill be my object in this paper to prove the contrarj'',
and to show that the souls of the wicked were believed to
be tormented in flames.

Some lines in the " Legend of Ishtar " have led me to
this conclusion ; but the passage is so short, and so much
injured by fractures of the tablet, that I missed the meaning
of it in my former translation. I there said that Ishtar saw
" the shades of those tcho did evil on eaj'th, men, women, and
children." But if this were all it would only show that the
souls of the Avacked were so far pimished that they were
immured in Hades, and excluded from heaven.

Mr. Smith in his recent translation says that Ishtar was
a personage of very loose moral character (as appears fi-om
divers other tablets) and she had mortally offended Ninkigal
(the Queen of Hades) by the violence of her conduct and
language. Therefore the Queen "resolved on consigning

' Lenormant, le Deluge, p. 25.

- Un enfer oil n'apparait pas — du moins dans ce que jious en connaissoiis —
de trace d'une distinction do recompenses et de peines.

On the Religious Belief of the Assyrians. 347

Islitar to the region reserved for liusbands (or lords) who
leave their wives, and wives (or slaves) who depart from
the bosom of their husbands — certainly, according to the
story, a most appropriate place for the fickle goddess."

This explanation appears to me quite correct. Ishtar was
doomed for her sins to share the punishment of these wicked
ones. But what was it? Not merely an imprisonment in
Hades. A careful examination of each word and letter of
the injured text gives the following meaning.

The Queen had just received a message of defiance from
Ishtar, mingled with bitter curses. On receiving it she
stormed, and exclaimed :

IIJTE

32. This insult I will revenge upon her !

33. Light up consuming flames ! Light up blazing straw !

34. Let her doom be with the husbands who deserted their

wives !

35. Let her doom be with the wives who fi'om their husband's

side departed !

36. Let her doom be with the youths who led dishonoured

lives !

I may observe that line 33, savage as it is, accords with
the furious character of Ninkigal, who a little further on
(lines 69 to 75) according to Mr. Smith's version, commands
her attendant spirit to torment Ishtar Avith pains and diseases
in all parts of her body.

It will now be necessary minutely to examine the liaes
I have quoted, since they involve so important a pomt of
Assyrian religious belief.

The first line is —

Kima nuri

akalim,

kima

kasi

Light lip flames

consuming,

light up

straw

T? V^ (AA]) . . .

1 T ^ V^^ J ' ' •

ashatim . . .

blazing [some

words lost]

Vol. II.

348 On the Religious Belief of the A><siiriaui>.

Notes. — Kima. I took this at first for the advtirb kiina
' like ' or ' as it were.' But this produces only a very feeble
meaning. Besides, a verb is wanted. Kima is ' to burn ' :
for example, in 3 R b2, 34 Ave read >— ^r^C^y Sr^ ^Tg[ ^J:^
as him ikimi 'in fire shall be burnt.'

The verb ahnu ' I burned ' occurs continually. Nakmiit
is ' a burning',' ^,r. g7\ speaking of the destruction of the
enemy's cities — hitar nakmuti-sun 'the smoke of their
burning,' like a mighty cloud, obscured the face of liigh
heaven.

The verb kamu ^^ >Tf^ ^-ITI*- ' ^*^ burn' occurs in
2 R 34, 69 and 35, 15 where it is explained, Ji^^st l)y the verb
V ^^TI V'^ ■'^orahu which is the Heb. C"^U^ ' to burn,' and
seconJh/ by the verb kalu ^Y T^JJ S=yy|>^ which is the
Heb. rhp 'to burn,' see my Glossary No. 312. And ^^^^J
meaning 'fire' is generally transcribed as kum (see Smith's
Phonetic Values, No. 179). For these reasons I propose to
translate kima in this passage ' burn ! ' or ' set on fire ! '
^ y<M A\i7'i ' flames.' If we turn to the sign ^ in Smith's
phonetic vaKies No. 324 we find that mini ' fire ' was one of
its values.

Akalim 'consuming' is the pure Hebrew h^'^ consumpsit,
absumpsit, perdidit, see Schindler p. 72, and particularly
the following: "De igne metaphorice dicitur, Job i, 16.
Ignis Dei decidit ex cselo, et arsit in grege et pueris DT'^^^m
et consumpsit eos. Again, Nahum iii, 15, tI7^^ ^bi^^jl
comedet te ignis.

^ y^^ Kassi is plural of tlie Hebrew )^p Kas ' straw,'
meaning therefore heaps or loads of straw. Compare Isaiah
xlvii, 14, 'see they are become as straw, (l^p 3) the fire
hath consumed them DnD"^tI^ ll^h^. Also Isaiah v, 24, ' as
fire {'0'i^ p\l77 lingua flammas) devoureth the stubble'
(ti^p 73^^). And Joel ii, 5, 'like the noise of a flame of
fire (t?^^ nnS) that devoureth the stubble,' ll^p-n':'::^.
And Nahum i, 10, 'they shall be devoured as stubble fully
dry' trp-D 1^D«.

y} V Asliat is the Heb. nU>t^ ashat, Chald. ^^n'll^^ ashtu
' fire,' I have gone into these details that it may be seen
that this line agrees throughout ■\\ath th-e Hebrew idiom.

On the lieliijloas Belief of the Assyrians. 349

The next line 34 is as follows : —

lupki ana itli sha ezibu

let her doom be toith the husbands icho abandoned

their icives.

Notes. — Lu/phi is the optative of the verb ir:iD which
means in Hebrew, to meet some one by chance : to occur :
to happen : to befall some one (Schindler ' casu occurrere ')
whence the substantive J^IlD chance, lot, fate, or doom.
V^ i^^S means ' occursus mains ' (Buxt.) a mischance or
misfortune. Solomon says to Hiram (1 Kings v, 4) "The
Lord my God hath given me rest on every side, so that I
have no enemy and no misfortune" y^ i^^D. I therefore
translate lupki ' may her lot be I '

J:YYy sounded itlu, which generally means man or gentle-
man ; and may be rendered ffetr : Sieur :- Signor.

Ezib is the Hebrew verb Ifi^ to leave or abandon. It
occurs very frequently. Gesenius renders it ' reUquit : de-
seruit.' -^ is the feminine sign, and was not sounded.

The next line 35 is —

m ttfc m T? -^T t- m ^-aw k "irr

lupki ana * killati

sha

let her doom be %oith the ivives

icho

5£n" J^^TT £:si??<^E-r'<"<T-^T

ta ur khairi-sin

from their hiishand's side [departed].

Notes. — Killati ' wives ' occurs in several passages. It
is the Heb. PO'D sponsa, uxor, Syr. i^riv^. "^ is not
sounded.

Ur may be rendered Conjugium : it occurs in several
other passages. The verb is lost by a fracture of the tablet.

350 On fJie Religious Belief of the Assi/rians.

Tlie next line 36 is —

y? ^I t:^ ts -£T <IEJ ty? igj ^^ <rEy ^yy

ana * tar lakie lupki slia

tcith the youths dissolute let her doom be loho

- -t] ^\V-\'^

as la pani-siin

in their dishonour [were cut off, or died].

Notes. — Lahie should probably be la-kini 'wicked,' a
word of frequent occurrence. Parri is the Hebrew "^fc^D
Honour. Schindler says Decor. Ornatus. Hence la-parri
is ' dishonour.'

In Dante's Inferno the different classes of sinners were
separated, in circles or regions apart from each other, where
they met with punishments appropriate to then- sins. Some
Eastern traditions of this kind may have reached the Italian
poet, since there was a region set apart in the Assyiian
Hades for faithless husbands and wives.

I will now turn to some other passages which appear to
me to imply a future punishment of the wicked.

The Sun, who was " the Judge of Men," is called " the
destroyer of the wacked." And what this future judgment
would be, may be inferred from a passage in the third
Michaux Stone, col. 4, 11, where it is said "the remover of
this landmark shall be accursed," and " the Sun, the great
Judge of heaven and earth shall condemn him and shall
thrust him into the fire."

On the Religious Belief of the Assyrians. 351

The original passage is as follows : —

I. .+ ^1 . . . ■. . . tV ^>f ci? <^^ <igf ^y<

Sliems daian rabu sliamie u kiti

The Sun judge great of heaven and earth

2- m -ITT- <T* -^I <T* JT ET ^£ -^T

lu-dina din-su-ma ina

may he judge his judgment, and into

^ <WT<T -^T< -m<\ -I -TT*^ --IT

parti lizzitzu !

the fire thrust him !

Parti is an oblique case or inflexion of Par, which I
consider to be the Hebrew "^^1 " fire," in Greek Uvp. But
this meaning of the word cannot be guaranteed until more
examples of it have been found.

The same passage occurs, with a slight difference, in the
first Michaux Stone, col. iii, line 15, as follows :

:. ^>f ^r <T5^ -- ET- --f ^n < <IeJ -\>

Shems daian rabu shamie u kiti

The Sun judge great of heaven and earth

lu-dinnu din-su-ma as parti

may he judge his judgment, and into the fire

lizzitzu !
may he thrust him!

Here I transcribe the word as parti on the faith of the
third Michaux Stone : otherwise the readmg would have
been doubtful.

352

On tlie Relicjious Belief of the Assyrians.

Lizzitz ''let him thrust" occui's frequently in the accounts
of the exorcizing evil spirits. For example, see the 2nd vol,
of British Museum Inscriptions, pi. 18. " Let the Evil Spirit
come out of him, and be tiu'ust aside." Udukku sinii litzi-ma,
as akhati lizzitz.

The last word is ^^Titten >-^^Y<Y ^Y >-< as in the first
Michaux. The sign >-< ziz or zitz occurs very frequently.
The third Michaux, it will be observed, has '^ff'^f^ *"'^If
zi.tzH

■656

HYMNS TO AMEN.
By 0. W. Goodwin, M.A.

Secrd 2nd December, 1873.

The Hymn to Amen, of which I read a translation to the
Society in May 1873, and which is pubhshed in the Transac-
tions of that year, p. 250, consists of little more than high
sotinding epithets of the god, some of them containing allu-
sions to mythological stories not very intelligible, and strung
together without any obvious law of connexion. Some
specimens of hymns exist v^^hich have a more devotional and
sentimental character, and bear a nearer relation to the noble
models of Hebrew psalmody. One such hymn contained in
the Anastasi Papyrus, No. 2, has been lately translated by
M. Chabas, and is entitled by him a prayer against the par-
tiality of judges. I offer the foUoAving translation, which
differs a little from that of M. Chabas. The text is con-
siderably mutilated, and some of my restorations are different
fi'om those of my learned fiiend.

Hymn to Amen.

(2 Anastasi, page 8, line 5, to page 9, line 1.)

Oh ! Amen, lend thme ear to him who is alone before
the tribimal, he is poor (he is not)^ rich. The court

' I suppose t]ie words wanting here to be I

354 Hymns to Amen.

oppresses him; silver and gold for the clerks of the book,*
garments for the servants.^ There is no other ^ Amen,
acting as a judge, to deliver (one) from his misery ;
when the poor man is before the tribimal, (making) the
poor to go forth'* rich."

The three following lines, translated by M. Chabas, belong
in my opinion to another piece, being divided fi-om what pre-
cedes by the mark -ii— ^, which is used frequently in this
papyrus to denote the beginning of a new subject. This
hymn extends from line 2 of page 9 to the first word of
page 10. Then comes anothei' -t— x marking the beginning
of a new piece, which extends to the end of the papyrus.

Of these two hymns I propose to give a translation.

Hymn to Amen.

(2 Anast<isi, page 9, line 2, to page 10, line 1.)

" I cry, the beginning of wisdom is the way of Amen, the
rudder of^ (truth?). Thou art he that giveth bread
to him who has none, that sustaineth the servant of

' The character ft | (uot « I as I think) stands for • %k
^_^ \k ^k or t Wk^ a book, roll, or register. See 5 Anast.-j^.

- M. Cliabas reads ^ <:z> ^""^ "^'l) ' '^ word not found elsewhere.
Tlie word seems to me to be jj |l ^ "^^Cj) ' ■''■^"'■"'> servants.
3 I read '^ I I '^ .
^ The word <""*■% w senni is perceptible here. The meaning is

rather uncertain. It is probably the Coptic CGIt or ClflG exire, egredi
extra.

^ The words are rW\ ^^T\ 1 /~<~«-s I -fm

i|r W ^k J I • /V 'Mfc^ The word after hemi, " rudder," is lost.

Tliese same words form the beginning of a hymn contained in one of the
Ostraca of the Brilish Museum (PI. XXVI, No. 565Ga, line 10). The rest of
tliis hymn differs entirely from that in 2 Anast.

Ilpnns to Amen. 355

his house. Let^ no prince be my defender in all my
troubles. Let not my memorial'^ be placed under the
power of any man who is in the house .... My lord is
(my) defender ; I know his power, to wit, (he is) a
strong defender, there is none mighty except him alone.
Strong is Amen, knowing how to answer, fulfilling the
desire^ of him who cries to him; the Sun the true king
of gods, the strong bull, the mighty lover of power (?)"

The pln-ase which I have translated " the way of Amen "
^^ ZZ2 \ ■„,,,, "^ ''*^ Amen, literally the water of Amen.
In Egypt the river Nile was the great road or highway,
hence by an easy metaphor " the water " was used to signify
" the way," that is, the will, command, or rule. M. Brugsch
has given several illustrations of this use of the word in his
Lexicon, page 635. The follomng examples occur in the
Miramar Stele, Plate XLIII, a very remarkable but difficult
text, which has not obtained the attention it deserves. The
lady of whom this stele is the memorial was a devout wor-
shipper of Hathor. In line 2 she says —

Shim n . a ha maten ent Hathor sheftu . s pu diet

' The words are

J P xl) * ^ ^^^ similar plirase occurs in the hymn on

the Ostracon, quoted in the previous note fNo. 5656a reverse, Hue 2).

" I go to no prince to defend nie, (whom) I serve not."

2 The word is ^ I *? tamau, the determination obhterated. The same
as ^ \k <? A tamait, " book." L.B.D. 124, 9.

3 A doubtful word, apparently | <? a which I translate hypothetically
"desire," to suit the context.

;).')G Hymns to Ameu.

hau-a utu-ut en al)-a t-r ari nicr - es kain-ut.a

hes-ut a er - es.

•' I Avalked in the way of Hathor, her fear was in me {lit. my
limbs). My heart bid me to do her pleasure. I was
found acceptable to her."

Further, in line 4 she adds —

4-
I

au-a em chrot an saa-s sma-cheru utu na ab.a

\\' - ^ - '\ m 1 T

tem.a sheshes hes-ut

neter

ha - es

s. chentesh-ef-ua

- — ^ j\ 1 - — .

har nefer ari-nef em

ana

ten

chent ha mu-f.

"When I was a child, not knowing how to declare the truth
{i.e., distmguish good fi-om evil, truth fi'om falsehood)
my heart bid me adopt the sistrum {i.e. the badge of
Hathor). God was pleased with it, the good rider made
me rejoice, he gave me this gift to walk in his way (or
according to his rule)."

Again, line 7, addressing the men of letters, she says — .
sim hemt ten er-es ma sim ha mateu eut hout

I I o A T

III I . — .

lateru ach-es er maten neb sim en - sen lia mu - s

Thimnft in Amen. 357

•' Lead your wives to her truly to Avalk in the ways of the
queen of the gods ; it is more blessed than any other
way ; lead them in her way."

The following is a translation of the second hymn : —
Hymn to Amen.

(2 Anastasi, page 10, line 1.)

" Come to me, 0 ! thou Sun ; Horus of the horizon give me
help. Thou art he that giveth (help); there is no help
without thee, exceptmg thou (givest it). Come to me
Tum, hear me thou great god. My heart goeth forth
towards An (HeHopolis, the city of Tum). Let my
desires be fulfilled, ^ let my heart be joyful, my inmost
heart m gladness. Hear my vows, my humble suppli-
cations- every day, my adorations by night ; my (cries
of) terror . . . prevailing in my mouth, which come from
my (mouth?) one by one. Oh! Horus of the horizon
there is no other besides like him, protector of millions,

t—r--^ ^- (j> ^ written sometimes c=n=i m. (? li^ A shemu, means

fundamentally " heat," and hence " ardent desire." ® p X» "^^"'^^^
pleasing, agreeable, satisfactory. Thus in the 1st Berlin Papyrus, line 125,
I ^^ ■^W' *^^^ " — ? I '^— - " Let him say what is pleasing

to his heart, or what will satisfy his desire." See Brugsch Lex. p. 1118. In
the 2nd Berlin Papyrus, Unes 38, 40, %yj^ "^^ <? 1 ♦ • is used

for a confidential servant, one who satisfies his master's desire. In the present
text the determinative \ or ^^y which usually denotes sometliing bad

or unfortunate, appears to be wrongly used. Ifc is often found in connexion with

(? , used in another sense.

2 *^ ^^ ^^ ]j (j> ^p s. nemhii. I have pointed out the use of this
word in the sense of supplication in the notes to the Hymn to Amen (page 4,
line 3, of the Boulaq Papyrus, No. 17).

358 Hi/mns to Amen.

deliverer of liunclreds of thousands, the defender of liim
that calls to hhn, the lord of An. Reproach me not^ with
my many sins. I am a yonth, weak of body.- I am a
man Avithout heart. Anxiety comes upon me (Jit. upon
my mouth) as an ox upon grass. If I pass the night

in and I find refreshment, anxiety returns to me

in the time of lying down." ^

These compositions are addressed to the Supreme Being,
under the names of Amen, Horns, and Turn, all identical
with the Sun. But for the old Egyptians the ruling Pharaoh
of the day was the living image and vice-gerent of the Sun,
and they saw no profanity in addressmg the king in terms
precisely similar to those with which they worshipped their
god. The following addi-ess or petition, which also is found
in the Papyrus 2 Anastasi, is a remarkable instance of this.

5^ '-Sf -^ «i I ""^^^ ^

Do not censure me.

- 0 ^1^ •-'^^ (. ''— ^ lit. without his body. It seems to mean

■weakness, mutilation, or disability. In the astronomical representation. Burton,

0 -u ~l-

Pl. LIX, a personage with amputated arms is named t - (. < — which I

-— ^ • I

take to be another form of the phrase in our text, though t chema, for
0 ^^ ,_n.,-r. is yery remai-kable.

3 The last lines are rather difficult of translation. I read thus

m 1L ? o I I * <^=> y^ (perhaps some words lost). The word ra \^ (? o i
c?ay, seems used for the time or hour (of lying down). The word jV

I <? S ^ urshau, which I have met with nowhere but in this passage, I

. J -v^ 1-77—1 o

presume to be the same with JJ^ urshu, " watching," " waking."

Comp. 4 Anast. §. The meaning seems to be anxiety of mind preventing sleepy

Ilyiims to Amen. 359

Hymn or Ode to Pharaoh.

(2 Anastasi, page 5, line 6.)

" Long live tlie king ! ' This conies to inform the king to
the Royal Hall of the lover of truth, the great heaven
wherein the Sun is. (Give) thy attention to me, thou
Sun that risest to enlighten the earth with thy (his)
goodness, the solar orb of men chasing the darkness
from Egypt. Thou art as it were the image of thy father
the Sun, who rises in heaven. Thy beams penetrate the
cavern. No place is without thy goodness. Thy sayings
are the law^ of every land, when thou reposest in thy
palace, thou hearest the words of all the lands. Thou
hast millions of ears. Bright^ is thy eye above the stars
of heaven, able to gaze at the solar orb. If anything be
spoken by the mouth in the cavern, it ascends into thy
ears. Whatsoever is done in secret, thy eye seeth it,
0 ! Baenra Meriamen, merciful lord, creator of breath."

This is not the language of a courtier. It seems to be a
genuine expression of the belief that the king was the living
representative of Deity, and from this point of view is much
more interesting and remarkable, than if treated as a mere
outpouring of empty flattery.

1 " Long live the king !" I venture to substitute this phrase for the ejacula-
tion ^k Y I I ^^^'^^ frequently occui's in the commencement of letters
meaning literally " in life, health and strength." The king being addressed in
this letter, he must be the subject of the wish, but I suspect that the meaning is
the same even where the expression is used in letters between scribe and scribe.

2 Law I <? 1 . The word scheru has very various meanings. See
Brugscli Lex. p. 1296.

^ Bright ? 1 0 uhesh, a word of rather rare occuiTcnce, apparently
preserved in the Coptic 0*ffli^Cy candidus.

360

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE PROPHET DANIEL
FRO]\I THE ASSYRIAN WRITINGS.

Br H. F. Talbot, F.R.S., &c.

Mead (^/h Jaiuiari/, 187-i.

Ix the follo^^ing short «ssay I do not propose to enter
into the vexed question of the authorship of this prophetical
book. ]\Iy object is merely to show that the writer of the
book possessed some coiTect information concerning the
Babylonians, which shows that he could not have lived in
very much later times than those which are commonly
assigned to him. For, if we suppose that a late writer, say,
one wi'iting not long before the Christian era, had under-
taken to relate a history involving Babylonian customs of
the time of Nebuchadnezzar or Darius, Avould he not have
been liable to fall into great errors ?

There are two portions of the book of Daniel in whicli
punishments are related as being common at Bal)ylon of
such extreme cruelty that the reader is tempted to doubt
whether such were ever inflicted. I moan the third chapter,
where Shadi-ach, Meshech, and Abednego are cast into the
midst' of a burning fiery furnace : and the sixth chapter,
where Daniel is cast into the den of lions.

With regard to the first of these punishments it is
evidently represented as a common one. Whoever resisted
the king's decree was to be so punished (see chap. 3, lines
6 and 11). And on this occasion we are told that the furnace
was heated one seven times more than it was wont to be
heated: showing that it had been often cm}i]oyed before to
execute criminals.

Ulustratloiis of the Propliet Uaniel, ^r. 361

Again in chap. 6, line 7, to be cast into the den of lions
is 'represented as one of the usual punishments for disobe-
dience to the king's commands. The great men of Darius's
kingdom treat it as an established custom : the only novelty
being that they invented a new offence, in order to entrap
Daniel.

Now I find in the Assyrian writings the plainest proof
that both these punishments were in use at Babylon in the
days of Assurbanipal : and therefore I think it desirable to
produce this evidence, and lay it before the Society.

Saul-mugina was brother of Assurbanipal king of Assyria,
who had loaded him with favours and made him king of
Babylonia, where he appears to have reigned prosperously
for several years. At the end of that time, for reasons with
which we are unacquainted, but perhaps coerced or tempted
by the powerful king of Elam, the inveterate enemy of
Assm-banipal, he ungratefully rebelled against his brother :
but after a severe contest was defeated and taken prisoner.
The Assyrian monarchs were ever animated by an implacable
spirit of revenge. The prisoners were condemned to death,
and the king did not spare his own brother, but commanded
him to be cast into a burning fiery furnace, which instantly
destroyed him. The account will be found in page 163 of
Mr. Smith's Annals of Assurbanipal, given in the following-
words.

LINE

107. y ->f j^y -<^ ^ -yy^ --y ^^^^ ^xM -IM

Saulmugma akhi nakri

Saulmugina my hrother rebellious

IDS. -gyy ^ .yy^ Bt]] ^+ ^ - <tc m

sha igira anni, as mikit

who made war with me, into a furnace

-4-^1+ !?-TT<T-TI<l

isati aru'i

fieri/ hurtving

3G2 Illastrations of the Propliet Daniel

LINE

iddii - su - ma ukh allilvu

they threw him, and destroyed

Notes. — MiMt : compare Heb. 1p^72 ' tlie fire ' — focus : rogus.
Ariri or Harion. Heb. "^m ' to bm-n.'

In the next page 164 it is related that many of the fol-
lowers of Saulmugina made their escape at first, and so were
not thrown into the flames along with him. But all of them
perished afterwards in divers ways, owing to the just anger
of the gods, and " not one escaped : not a 'remnant got aioay.'^

The original text is as follows :

LINE

no. ^1 wT< T ->f A -<> ^ -TT4 -^1 -II I ^

itti Saulmugina bil-sun

xoith Saulmugina their lord

lie. -t] Afl ::=:=:*! - -+'^1 +

la imkutu as isati

not they were thrown into the Jive.

,17. ^>f ty + ]} ^TT<T -TT<T ^e v -m < ^

isati hariri isetuni.

the fire hiirning they escaped from.

hetuni: from Heb. J^U?*" salvavit.

And a few pages further on, the fate of many of them is
related. They were cast into the den of lions. See page 166,
where we read : " The rest of the jieople, alive among the hulls
and lions {as Sennacherib my grandfather used to throtc men
among them), so I again, follou-ing in his footsteps, threw those
men into the midst of them.'' What cruel coolness, in relating
which of the kings was the inventor of this punishment, as
if it were a merit to have done so !

from the Assyrian Writings. 363

The original text is:

LINE

Sitti nisi bulthutzun

The rest of the people alive

- -f -]]-<] -+ m

as alapi labi

among the bulls and lions

7- "grr I -+ <« -V H --TT fET ^ET :?=::£!?

sha Sinakhirba abu abi bani-ya

as Sennacherib the father of my father

as libbi izbunu

into the midst (of them) used to throw ;

8. ty? t>£y -^y y? ^y igy - <m ty ^y \

eninna anaku as kispi-su

to ! again I {following) in his footsteps,

nisi satunu

men those

9. - *yyy t^ ^ ^- ey??

as iibbi azbun.

into the midst {of them) I threiu.

The only difficulty in this passage is the phrase as kispi-su
which is a inetathesis of as Mpsi-s^i " in his path," or " in his
footsteps." Similar metatheses are very frequent, as tikbi
for tibki (a measure of length. Heb. 1121:3). They are
also frequent in Hebrew.

Kipsi is a form of the Hebrew 1iM3 ' to tread,' Targ.
fe^'^li ' a trodden way,' Schindler says U?l!3, Chaldaice
via^ semita. I will give some examples of the word kipsi as
Vol. II. 24

o(J4 Illustrations of the Prophet Daniel, tJT

found ill Assyrian. In E.I.H. col. ii, 19, wild mountains arc
spoken of, asliav kipsi suprutzu, where the j^aths were broken
off; sepi la ibasu, and feet never were [_i.e. before my time].
In another place the Idng- calls the divine stone bulls the
guardians kipsi-ya ' of my paths,' or tallakti-ya ' of my
goings.'

In chapter i, v. 7 we read that the ChaldjBans gave to
Daniel the name of Belteshazzar, and to Hananiah the name
of Shadi-ach, and to ]\lisliael the name of Meshach, and to
Azariah the name of Abed-nego. From tliis it would seem
that it was their custom to change the names of foreigners,
which perhaps a23peared to them barbarous, and to give them
Chaldasaii names. This custom is confirmed by the Assjaian
writings, and I will give a clear instance of it. Psametik
was the son of Pharaoh Necho I king of Egypt. The
Assyrians at that time were masters of Egypt, and they
made him the ruler, or subordinate king, of the city Athribis.
At the same time they changed liis name, and gave him the
name of Nebo-sezib-ani, which means "Nebo save me !" He
afterwards apparently ascended the tlirone of Eg3q:)t by his
native name of Psammiticlius (see G. Smith in Lepsius
Zeitschrift, p. 96).

Another person of the same name Nebo-sezib-ani is men-
tioned in the book of Jeremiah xxxix, 13. The authorized
version calls him Nebu-shasban. The name is composed of
the Hebrew sezih lltij ' to deliver,' and ani ^^^^ ' me.' This
verb is used several times in the Book of Daniel, where the
English version has 'deliver,' for instance chap, iii, 15,
" who is that god that shall deliver you out of my hands ! "
and chap, vi, 16, 'thy god whom thou servest continually,
he will deliver thee.'

INDEX TO VOL. 11.

PAGE

Abd-Shcms Aslam founds the temple of Yatha at Abyan .... .... .... 336

Abyaii, temple of the deity Yat'a at .... .... .... .... ,... 333

Abyan or Abian, a disti-iet not yet explored by Europeans .... .... 334

Abydeuus, liis account of the reigu of Saracus .... .... .... .... 148

Acheron, its derivation, means " the West " .... .... .... .... 188

Acraganes, possibly the same as Assurbanipal .... .... .... .... 163

'Ad, the people of, possibly Sabaans .... .... .... .... .... 2

Adar-pilescr, the father of Assur-dayan .... .... .... .... .... 125

„ retreats to Nineveh .... .... .... .... .... .... 125

„ king of Assyria, captured by Eimmon-pal-iddin .... .... 125

Aden, destroyed by the Romans .... .... .... .... .... .... 314

^neas, remarks on his descent into Hades.... .... .... .... .... 181

Agamemnon deceived by Zeus .... .... .... .... .... .... 184

Agour-tolla, an Indian town, meaning of its name .... .... .... 274

Ahab, king of Israel, defeated by Shalmaneser .... .... ... .... 136

Ahasuerus, the same as Xerxes .... .... .... .... .... .... 110

Airey, Sir George B., his date for the eclipse of Thales .... .... .... 161

Algum, probably camphor wood .... .... .... .... .... .... 285

Al Hamdani, founded cities of M^rib and Maryab .... .... .... 3

Alkama Dhu Yazau (Arabic poet), short notice of.... .... .... .... 11

Almug, see Algum wood .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 284

Amar-ud, the Accadian name of Merodach .... .... .... .... .... 246

Amen, the same as the Suu .... .... ... .... .... .... 251

„ hymns to, by C. W. Godwin .... .... .... .... .... 353

„ (Ra), hymn to, by C. W. Godwin 250

Amenti, its derivation, means "the West" .... .... .... .... 188

Amestris, queen, probably the same as Esther .... .... .... .... 110

Amos, predicts the great eclipse of B.C. 763 .... .... .... .... 154

Amulets, Assyrian belief in.... .... .... .... .... .... .... 54

Anarchy in Egypt, B.C. 667-652 176

Anastasi Papyri, hymns from .... .... .... .... .... .... 353

Ancestors, worship of, an ancient form of Egyptian religion 251

Animal worship of the Egyptians misunderstood .... .... .... .... 250

Annals, see Assyrian Annals .... .... .... .... .... .... 328

Anu, " the heaven of," the Assyrian name of the highest heaven 230

Anminak, an Assyrian deity .... .... .... ... .... .-• 185

Apis tablets, their .date for the reign of Psammetichus 176

Arabia Felix, anciently divided into four kingdoms .... .... .... 342

„ S.W., Map of, to face 1

,, recent discoveries in .... ,... .... .... ■•■• i

ii INDEX.

PAGE

Arcesilaus, a LacedseiBouisin, son, wins tlie cliariot race .... .... .... 297

Ardates, according to Berosus, the father of Xisuthrus .... .... .... 227

Argives, join the Eleian confederacy .... ..., .... .... .... 296

„ their policy towards the Laceda?niouians .... .... .... .... 297

Aristotle, his knowledge of Chaldean astronomy .... .... .... .... 113

Ark, an, built by the Assyrian patriarch Sisit .... .... .... .... 219

„ the, its construction .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 220

„ the, stops on the mountains of Nizir .... .... .... .... .... 222

„ the, dimensions of the ark of Noah .... .... .... .... .... 226

Artaxerxes, difficulties as to the date of his accession .... .... .... 110

Asa'd Tobba' (Ai-abic poet), verses from .... .... .... .... '.. . 11

'Athtor, a deity worshipped by the Himyarites .... .... .... .... 9

Assur, probably the Assyrian counterpart of Nimrod .... .... .... 243

Assur-bel-cala, king of Assyria, conquers Palestine .... .... .... 132

„ his treaty with Merodach-sapic-cullat .... .... .... 132

Assurbanipal, king of Assyria, probably the same as Acraganes .... .... 163

„ casts his brother Saulmugina into a burning fiei'y furnace .... 361

„ recaptures the image of the goddess Nana .... .... .... 172

„ restores twenty Egyptian kings .... .... .... .... 175

„ the deluge tablets transcribed in his reign .... .... .... 215

,, the Synchronous History compiled in his reign .... .... 119

Assiir-dayan, king of Assyria, his war with Car-duniyas .... .... .... 126

Assur-ris-ilim, king of Assyria, his war with Nebuchadnezzar .... .... 127

Assur-yupalladh, king of Assyria, war with the Kossi .... .... .... 122

Assyria, ancient list of earthquakes in .... .... .... .... .... 155

„ canon of the kings of Assyria and Media .... .... .... .... 164

„ the Synchronous History compiled during the reign of Assurbanipal 119

„ and Babylonia, Synchronous History of, by Rev. A. H. Sayce .... 112

„ and Babylonia, i-oyal intermarriages between .... .... .... 135

Assyrian annals, parallel with the history of Isaiah .... .... .... 328

„ belief in amulets and talismans .... .... .... .... .... 54

,, canon of Eponyms (Rawlinson) .... ... .... .... .... 152

„ canon, on a new fragment of, by George Smith .... .... .... 321

„ charms against demoniacal possession ... .... .... .... 56

„ chronology, difficulties in .... .... .... .... .... .... 143

„ chronology, error of 100 years in .... .... .... .... .... 172

„ deities terrified by the deluge .... .... .... .... .... 221

,, empire, its date erroneously fixed by Berosus .... .... .... 142

„ eponyms, further list of .... .... .... .... ... .... 330

„ Hades, description of .... .... .... .... .... .... 180

„ history, its agreement with Biblical chronology .... .... .... 323

„ idea of the soul .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 32

„ ideas upon sins and trespasses .... .... ... .... .... 60

„ kings, begin with Belus .... .... .... .... .... .... 169

„ kings, Euscbius' account of .... .... .... .... .... 166

„ language, complicated nature of the verb in .... .... .... 83

„ language, six primary conjugations in .... .... .... .... 84

„ mysteries .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 34

„ prayer for forgiveness of sins .... .... .... .... .... 60

„ tablet upon iidiorited sin .... .... .... .... .... ... 58

Assyrians believed in inherited sin .... .... .... .... .... .... 57

„ believed in seven spirits .... .... .... .... .... .... 58

„ held the number seven holy and significant .... .... .... 58

„ practised self-mutilation .... .... .... .... .... .... 52

„ prostrated them.'<elves in devotion .... .... .... .... 53

Religious Belief of, by H. Fox Talbot 29, 50, 346

„ their belief in demoniacal possession .... .... .... .... 50

INDEX. m

PAGE

Assyrians, tlieir reverence for the Mamit .... .... .... .... .... 35

„ used books as well as tablets ... .... .... .... .... 55

Astyages, date of his death .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 165

Athor (an Egyptian goddess), see Hathor .. . .... .... .... .... 356

Athribis, Psammetiehus, king of, under the Assyrians .... ... .... 364

Aurea Chersonesus, supposed to be Ophir .... .... .... .... .... 279

Ava, kingdom of, possibly the ancient Havilah .... .... ... .... 282

Babel, tower of, supposed tradition of, among the Dyaks .... .... .... 265

Babylon, a Semitic dynasty founded by Tuculti-Adar .... .... .... 125

„ becomes a centre of Jewish learning, A.D. 230 .... .... .... 118

Babylonia, see Assyria and Babylonia .... .. . .... .... .... 119

Babylonian mythology, its solar origin .... .... .... . .... 246

„ traditions, the oldest centre round the Persian Gulf .... .... 233

Ballams, a kind of boat used in Ceylon .... .... .... .... ... 274

Ban, or Van, a common suffix to Indian names .... .... .... ... 270

Baroni Fair, a great Indian fair, described .... .... .... .... 270

Bay of Bengal, *<=£ Bengal .... .... .... .... .... .... 272

Bel, quarrel between Bel and Hea respecting the flood .... .... .... 223

Bel-chadrozzar, king of Assyria, slain .... .... .... .... .... 124

Bil Nimiki, "ior(^ o/" J^*<!erie*," an Assyrian deity .... .... .... 183

Bel-nirari, king of Assyria, assists Curi-galzu .... .... .... .... 144

Belus, the first of the Assyrian kings .... .... .... .... .... 169

Bengal, Bay and district of, volcanic changes in .... .... .... .... 272

„ Eastern Bay, probably the site of Ophir .... .... .... .... 286

Benhadad, see Ahab, king of Israel .... .... .... .... .... 136

Berosus, his account of the deluge examined .... .... .... .... 227

„ his date for the Assyrian empire erroneous .... .... .... 142

„ proved to be more trustworthy than was believed .... .... l7l

Biblical chronology, difficulties in.... .... .... .... .... .... 327

„ „ its great agreement with Assyrian history .... .... 323

Bitumen, used by Sisit in the construction of the ark .... .... .... 220

Black and white cloths, their talismanic significance .... .... .... 56

Bochart, his translation of a speech in the Poenulus .... .... 238, 240

Body, human, its members locally afflicted by evil spirits .... .... 57

Books of papyrus or vellum known to the Assyrians .... .... .... 55

Borneo, notes from, illustrative of passages in the Book of Genesis, by

Alex. M. Cameron 264

Bosanquet, J. W., on the Date of the fall of Nineveh .... .... .... 147

Brick of Cyrus, king of Persia (plate) .... .... .... .... .... 148

Boyle, W. R. A., on the Golden Age of Greece, in connection with the

Olympiads 289

Bull, a winged bull conquered by Izdubar 217

„ its significance as a theological title .... .... .... .... .... 252

Bunder, a common Indian suffix, its meaning .... .... .... .... 272

Calneh, probably the same as Nipur .... .... .... .... .... 248

Cameron, Alex. M., notes from Borneo illustrative of passages in Genesis .... 264

„ „ on the identity and site of Ophir and Taprobane .... 267

Camphor wood, possibly the algum of the Bible .... .... .... .... 285

Canon of Assyrian Eponyms .... .... .... .... ... .... 152

IV INDEX.

PAGE

Canon of Castor, extract from .... .... .... .... .... .... 169

„ of kings of Assyria and Media .... .... .... .... .... IGi

Caraite Jews of the Crimea, their.date for the captivity „.. .... .... 161

Car-dmiiyas, a name of Lower Chalda?a .... .... .... .... .... 120

„ king of Babylon, his wars with Assur-dayan .... .... 126

Carthaginian language and Hebrew, tlieir affinities .... .... .... 236

Casper, see Kasper .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 138

Castor, the canon of (extract) .... .... .... .... .... .... 169

Century, a. 100 years confusion in Assyrian clironology .... .... 172

Ceylon, originally called Lanka or Sinhala-dwipa ... .... .... .... 267

„ peculiarities of .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 274

„ does not agree with the description of Ophir .... .... .... 278

Chabas, M. F., has translated many Egyptian hymns .... .... .... 353

Chaldaja, Lower, called Carduniyas .... .... .... .... .... 120

„ Plains of, a common centre of ancient mythologies .... .... 234

Chaldsean account of the deluge, by George Smith.... .... .... .... 213

Change of names, a common Assyrian custom .... .... .... .... 364

China, possibly' the ancient Chittim .... .... ... .... .... 282

Chittagong, an Indian town, why so called .... .... .... .... 271

Chittim, possibly the same as China .... .... .... .... .... 282

Chronology, Hebrew, dates in, as arranged by Mr. Bosanquet .... .... 150

„ of Assyria, difficulties in .... .... .... .... .... 143

Clinton, Fines, his opinion about Nabuchodonosor .... .... .... .... 158

Conjugation, a ]^. On a J^ conjugation, by E. Cull .... .... .... 83

„ J^, a mark of Shemitic speech .... .... .... .... 83

Conjugations, six primary, in the Assyrian language .... .... .... 84

Construction of the ark .... .... .... ... .... .... .... 220

Continental chronologists, difficulties in their systems .... .... .... 156

Cronos, the deluge foretold .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 228

Ctesias, wrote from Persian or Median sources .... .... .... ... 170

Cull, R., on a ^ conjugation .... .... .... .... .... .... 83

Cuneiform Inscriptions, continued to Parthian times .... .... .... 143

Cups, divination by, see Rodwell on an Assyrian vase .... .... .... 114

Curi-galzu ascends the throne .... .... .... .... .... .... 124

„ restored to his throne by Bel-nirari .... .... .... .... 144

Cush, probably a geographical title.... .... .... .... .... .... 248

Cyaxares besieges Nineveh .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 149

„ difficulties in his era .... .... .... .... .... .... 162

Cyrus, king of Persia, brick of .... .... .... .... .... .... 148

Daniel, Book of, could not have been written by a late author .... .... 360

„ Illustrations of the Book of, from the Assyrian inscriptions. By

H. F. Talbot, r.R.S 360

Den of Lions, death by, references to, on the Assyrian monuments .... 361

„ the followers of Sauhnugina condemned to be thrown into 362

Dante, his idea of Hell probably an Eastern one .... .... .... .... 350

Dates, leading dates in Biblical History, from the new Assyrian Canon .... 323

Deluge, the Chaldean account of, by Geo. Smith .... .... .... .... 213

„ the, caused by the gods .... .... .... .... .... .... 221

„ the, ceases on the seventh day .... .... .... .... .... 222

„ the, its increase terrifies the gods .... .... .... .... .... 221

„ a pillar of stones erected to commemorate.... .... .... .... 226

„ the, variations between Mosaic and Chaldean narrative of .... 232

,, the, traditions of, among the Dyaks .... .... .... .... 265

INDEX. V

PAGE

Deluge Tablets, originally written at Erecli .... .... .... .... 213

„ „ part of a series of twelve .... .... ,,., .... 213

» » proof of their antiquity .... .... .... .... .... 214

» » copied in the reign of Assurhanipal .... .... .... 215

„ the, ftu-ther tablets belonging to, still buried in Chaldca .... 234

Death of the righteous man, Assyrian poem upon.... .... .... . 31

Demetrius, his dates examined .... .... .... .... .... .... 159

Demoniacal possession, Assyrian charms against .... .... .... .... 56

De Rouge, his interpretation of the name "Pharaoh" .... .... .„. 196

"Destroyer of the WicJced" an Assyrian title of the Sun 34

Dian-nisi, temple of, built by Nebuchadnezzar .... .... .... .... 33

„ Assyrian name of the Sun .... ... .... .... .... 33

Dido, queen of Carthage, her name a feminine form of David .... .... 242

Diodorus Siculus, difficulties raised by his Assyrian chronology .... .... 171

Dionysius, derived from Dian-nisi, the Assyrian name of the Sun .... 33

Directions to make the Assyrian magic knot ,... .... .... .... 54

Divination by cups, its early use .... .... .... .... .... .... 114

Dodcearchy in Egypt, hst of the kings .... .... .... .... . 175

Dogs of Merodach, meaning of their names .... .... .... .... 245

Donaldson, Professor, on Joseph's Tomb in Sechem 80

])ove, a, sent forth from the ark by Sisit .... .... .... .... .... 222

Double seasons, known in the kingdom of Tippera .... .... .... 273

Drach, S. M., his translation of a magical inscription .... .... .... 116

„ note upon Joseph's divining cup .... .... .... .... 118

Dyaks, the, their tradition of a flood .... .... .. .... .... 265

„ belief concerning an evil spirit .... .... .... .... .... 266

Earthquakes, list of, in Assyria .... .... .... .... .... .... 155

Eclipse of 15th June, 763, its chronological importance .... ... .... 153

„ of Thales, its date established beyond all doubt .... .... .... 161

Eden, Garden of, possibly the Babylonian Gunduni .... .... .... 120

Egypt, anarchy in, B.C. 667 .... .... .... .... .... .... 176

Egyptian preposition is also a conjunction and a relative pronoun .... 306

„ prepositions, note on, by P. le Page Renouf .... .... .... 301

„ „ all admit of a plural form .... .... .... .... 301

Egyptians acquainted with the story of Merodach.... .... .... .... 245

„ did not really worship animals .... .... .... .... .... 250

„ really worshipped the Sun .... .... .... .... .... 251

„ kings, list of, restored by Assurhanipal.... .... .... .... 175

„ religion, changes and developments in .... .... .... .... 251

Eleians, the, usurp the presidency of the Olympic Games .... .... .... 292

„ their war with the Lepreates .... .... .... .... .... 292

„ forbid the Lacedaemonians to attend the Olympic Games.... .... 296

Ellasar, possibly Assur, now Kileh Shergat .... .... .... .... 243

Eponymus Canon of Assyrian Eponyms .... .... .... .... .... 152

Esther, queen, may be the same as Amestris .... .... .... .... 113

„ „ her name derived from that of the goddess Ishtar .... 110

Eternity, House of, an Assyrian name for Hades .... .... .... .... 188

Evil spirits believed to be expelled by the Mamit .... .... .... .... 41

„ „ supposed to possess power over various members of the body 57

„ „ also seven in number .... .... .... .... .... .... 59

„ spirit, Dyak belief concerning .... .... .... .... .... 266

Evil things created from the eyes of Set or Typhon .... .... .... 261

Eusebius, bis account of the Assyrian kings .... .... .... .... 166

vi INDEX.

PAGE

Eusebius corroborates the error in the Olympic reckoning 299

Eyes of Ra or Horus possess creative power .... .... 261

Ezra, on the Ccincidences between Ezra and Nehemiah, by Rev. D. H. Haigh 110

Ferdousi, his account of the siege of Hamaver .... ,.., .... .... 168

Fiery Furnace, punishment by, common in Assyria .... .... .... 360

Forgeries of Himyaritic tablets .... .... .... .... .... .•■• 21

Garden of Eden, see Gunduni 120

Gauldraud, M., discovers seven Himyaritic inscriptions at Abyan.... .... 333

Genealogy of the gods, much confused in Egypt .... .... .... .... 251

Genesis, authenticity of .... ... .... .... .... .... .... 264

Genitive, circumscription of the, explained .... ... 306

Gisdhubar, see Izdubar .... .... ... .... .... .... .... 246

Gold found abundantly in the Malay Peninsula 285

Goodwin, C. W., translation of a Hymn to Amen (or Ammon) .... .... 250

„ „ Hpnns to Amen .... .... .... .... .... .... 353

Greece, on the Golden Age of, in connexion with the Olympiads,

by W. R. A. Boyle 289

(Jreeks place Psammetichus on the throne of Egypt 176

„ their intense reverence for the Olympic Games .... .... .... 290

„ coins used by early Himyarites .... .... .... .... .... 6

Green bough, used as a charm on entering Hades .... .... .... .... 180

Gronovius, his translation of part of a speech in the Poenulus .... .... 238

Grote, in error with regard to the Olympic reckoning .... 290

Gula, an Assyrian goddess .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 79

Gunduni, possibly the same as the Garden of Eden .... .... .... 120

Gusur, a name of the deity Merodach .... .... .... 247

Hades, called by Assyrians " the Land of iVb re^irnj " .... .... .... 183

" House of Eternity" 188

„ descent of Ishtar into .... .... .... .... .... .... 179

„ description of .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 180

Hadhramaut, kings of .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 10

Haigh, Rev. D. H., Coincidences between the histories of Ezra and Nehemiah 110

Halevy, M., copies 686 Himyaritic inscriptions .... .... .... .... 5

„ his Map of S.W. Arabia, to face .... .... .... .... 1

Hathor, her emblem or amulet, the sistrum worn by Egyptian children .... 356

Hamavar identified with Nineveh .... .... .... .... .... .... 168

Hanno, the Periplus of, examined with reference to the Himyarites .... 16

Havilah, possibly the kingdcmi of Ava .... .... .... .... .... 282

„ two places so called .... .... .... .... .... .... 280

Hea, an Assyrian Deity, is the father of the god Marduk .... .... .... 54

„ commands Sisit to build an ark .... .... .... .... .... 219

„ determines to save the goddess Ishtar .... .... .... .... 184

„ reproves the Deity Bel with respect to the flood .... .... .... 223

Hebrew and Pluenician languages, their afiinities .... .... .... .... 236

„ chronology, one cardinal date in .... .... .... .... .... 150

INDEX. VU

PAOB

Hebrew contains vestiges of the use of plural prepositions .... .... 301

„ proper names, remai-ks upon .... .... .... .... .... 92

Heliopolis, an Egyptian town, anciently called An.... .... .... .... 309

Helots, the, aggravate the Leprean war .... .... .... .... .... 294

Hercules, points of resemblance between Hercules and Izdnbar .... .... 215

Herodotus, bis account of tlie siege of Nineveh by Cyaxares .... .... 149

Hima, the {the forbidden spot), the Himyaritic name of Heaven .... ... 342

Himalaya Mountains, were visible from Taprobane .... .... .. , 276

Himyarites, why so called .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 3

„ examination of their history at the time of Hanno .... .... 17

„ governed by a king (Malik) .... .... .... .... .... 3

„ great numbers of bronze tablets of, found lately .... .... 5

„ kings of Hadhramaut.... .... .,.. .... .... ... IQ

„ list of the kings of Ma'in .... .... .... .... .... 9

„ make Raidan their capital .... .... .... .... .,.. 5

„ many spurious tablets manufactured .... .... .... .... 21

„ paucity of early information respecting .... .... .... 4

„ pedigree of kings of Raidan .... .... .... .... .... 13

„ period of B.C. 700 .... .... .... .... .... .... 2

„ their arts undeveloped .... .... .... .... .... 7

„ their chronology little known.... .... .... .... .... 19

„ their cities enumerated .... ... .... .... .... 3

„ their cities taken by the Romans .... .... ...; .... 14

„ their deities .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 9

„ „ mentioned in the Koran .... .... .... .... 18

„ their numerical system .... .... .... .... .... 19

„ their year a lunar one ... .... .... .... .... .... 20

„ uncertain what cities are referred to by Pliny and Ptolemy .... 15

„ coins discovered by M. Longperier .... .... ..,. .... 5

„ see Seba.

Himyaritic Inscriptions found at Abyan .... .... .... .... .... 333

„ tablets .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 23-28

Hincks, Dr. E., his opinion on the Assyrian concave verbs .... .... 84

Hind, Mr., his opinion on the eclipse B.C. 763 .... .... .... .... 153

Hippuros, part of, pi-obably Ophir .... .... .... .... .... .... 270

History of Assyria and Babylonia, see Assyria .... .... .... .... II9

Horns, eyes of, possess creative power .... .... .... .... .... 261

Hosea, confirmation of a passage in .... .... .... .... .... 325

Hoshea, king of Israel, date of his accession .... .... .... .... 323

House of Eternity, an Assyrian name for Hades .... .... .... .... 188

Hymn to the Mamit .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 39

Idolatry not known among the Dyaks .... .... .... .... ,.._ 266

'Imad, a village near Aden, possibly 'Ad .... .... .... .... .,._ 2

India, did not either produce or export gold .... .... .... .... 285

Inscription, Himyaritic, of Abyan, text restored by MM. Lenormant and

Prideaux .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 335

Inherited sin, a belief among the Assyrians .... .... .... ..., 57

Ishtar, a prayer to .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 30

„ c&Wedi " Lady of the Mountain" .... .... .... .... .... 49

„ deprived of her jewels in Hades .... .... .... .... .... I8I

„ drinks in Hades the " wa^er ci/" ?j/e " .... .... .... .... 184

„ during the flood reproves the world ..., .... .... .... 221

„ her genealogy , 95

VUl INDEX.

PAGa

Ishtar, her indift'ercnt character .... .... .... .... .... .... 217

„ legend of the descent of Ishtar into Hades, hy H. Fox Talbot .... 179

„ marries Izdiibar, the hero of the Deluge Tablets ... .... .... 216

„ offends Ninkigal, who threatens to punish her in Hades 347

„ the same as Venus .... .... ..., ..., .... .... ... 217

Ithamar, king of the Sabajans, pays tribute to Sargina .... .... .... 194

Izdubar, a Chaldean king of the mythical period .... .... .... .... 214

„ and Urhamsi seek for Sisit .... .... .... .... .... 218

„ conquers a winged bull .... .... .... .... .... .... 217

„ erects a pillar of stones to commemorate the deluge .... .... 226

„ falling ill, seeks for immortality ..„ .... .... .... .... 217

„ finds 8isit, who relates to him the story of the flood .... .„, 219

„ his exploits in some respects resemble those of Hercules.... .... 215

„ marries the goddess Ishtar .... .... .... .... .... 216

„ ordered to bathe in the sea .... .... .... .... .... 225

purified by Sisit 225

Jareb, king, the same as Sennac-jarib .... .... .... .... .... 178

Java, colonised by a Sanskritic people .... .... .... .... .... 273

„ gi-eat revenue derived by the Dutch from .... .... .... .... 283

„ the ancient Sheba .... .... .... ..,. .... .... .... 287

Jehovah, its similarity to the name Yaouah .... ... .... .... 265

Jewish names of the months are Assyrian .... .... .... .... .... 50

Jews of the Crimea, their date for the Captivity .... .... .... .... 161

Joseph, his tomb at Sechem .... .... .... .... .... .... 80

„ notes upon his possible use of divination .... .... .... .... 115

Joseph's divining cup, note upon, by Mr. Drach .... .... .... .... 118

„ tomb, probably an excavation under the present site .... .... 32

Josephus, his chronology examined..,. .... ..„ .... .... .... 150

" Judge of Men," Assyrian title of the Sun .... .... .... .... 32

Kaspu, or caspu, equals seven miles .... .... .... .... .... 139

Kallisthenes, sends to Aristotle early Chaldean astronomical records .... 143

Khammurabi, his conquest of Babylonia .... .... .... .... .... 120

Kileh Shergat, the earliest capital of Assyria .... .... .... .... 243

Koran, refers to Himyaritic deities.... .... .... .... .... .... 18

Kossi, the, conquer Babylonia under Khammurabi.... .... .... .... 120

„ their war against Assur-yupalladh .... .... .... .... 122

Kunis, the name of the highest money mint in Tartary .... .... .... 280

Kylikomanteia, see Divination by Cups .... .... .... .... .... 115

Laban, probably used divination .... .... .... .... .... .... 115

Lacedaemonians, the, attack Phyrcon .... .... 298

„ forbidden to attend the Olympic Games 296

"i«c7y o/ i!Ae J/o?/H<«i«," a title of the goddess Ishtar 49

Lanka, the ancient name of Ceylon .... .... .... .... .... 267

League between Argos, Corinth, Elis, and Mantinca ... 294

Lenormant, Fran(;ois. Note by W. F, Pridcaux on M. Lenormant's

" Temple de Diou Yat'a n Abian " .... .... .... .... .-. 333

INDEX. IX

PAGE

Lenormant, M. P., translntion of the Inscription of Abyan .... .... 336

Leprean War, aggravated by the Helots .... .... .... .... .... 294

„ „ origin of .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 292

Lepreum, a city in Greece ; war between it and Elis .... .... .... 291

Letopolis, an Egyptian town, anciently called Secbem .... . .... .... 309

Levy, Professor, his translation of the so-called New Moabite Stone .... 146

List of Members .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... xvi

Longevity in Tippera .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 275

Longperier, M. A. de, discovers Himyaritic coins .... .... .... .... 5

Maccabees, origin of the name .... .... .... .... .... .... 51

Machoscolerus, the same as Nebuchodonosar .... .... .... .... 163

Magical inscription on a divining cup .... .... .... .... .... 116

Magic knots, used by the Assyrians .... .... .... .... .... 54

Ma'in, kings of .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 9

Makam, Himyaritic word, still used for a church in Abyssinia .... .... 22

Malay Peninsula, the largest tin prodticbir) district in the world .... .... 284

Malcolm, Sir John, his opinion upon the Sliah Nameh or Perdousi .... 158

Mamit, the, a sacred object among the Assyrians .... .... .... .... 35

„ the, drives away evil spirits .... .... .... .... .... 41

„ hymn to .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 39

„ its further use as a charm .... .... .... .... .... .... 56

„ possibly fell down from heaven (?) .... .... .... .... 36

„ the, primarily means a solemn oath .... .... .... .... 36

,, song regarding the.... .... .... .... .... .... .... 40

„ thought to be the only God .... .... .„. .... .... 39

Mamphida, a kind of Syrian bread .... .... .... .... .... 237

Marduk, prayer to .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 30

Marib founded by the Al Hamdani .... .... .... .... .... 3

Masoretes, their pronunciation supported .... .... .... .... .... 242

Manipur, " City of Gems," an Indian town ; why so named .... .... 277

Matabintain, an Himyaritic goddess .... .... .... .... .... 10

Matau, a people early introduced into Egypt as mercenaries .... .... 257

Medes, canon of the kings of .... .... .... .... .... .... 164

Megasthenes, his description of Taprobane .... .... .... .... 268

Members, List of .... .... .... .... .... .... xvi

Mercury, the planet, possibly represented by Merodach .... .... .... 246

Meroduk, an Assyrian deity, is the son of Hea .... .... .... .... 54

Merodach, analogies between him and Orion .... .... .... .... 245

„ possibly the planet Mercury .... .... .... .... .... 246

„ probably the same as Nimrod .... .... .... .... .... 244

„ the names of his dogs .... .... ... .... .... .... 245

„ Baladan king of Babylon, defeated by Sargon.... .... .... 326

Merodach-bel-usate revolts against his brother Merodach-sum-iddina .... 137

Merodach-iddin-akhi, king of Babylon, his war with Tiglath-Pileser .... 130

Merodach-sapic-cullat, king of Babylon, his amity with Assur-bel-cala .... 132

Merodach-sum-iddin, king of Babylon, his war with his brother Merodach-
bel-usate .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 137

„ arrested by Shalmaneser .... .... .... .... 138

Mezzuzoth, see Holy Sentences .... .... .... .... .... .... 55

Milky Way, called by the Assyrians " the River of Night " 53

Mitford, account of the Leprean war .... .... .... 293

Mitra, or Mithra, identified with Nebo .... .... .... 246

Moabite Stone, New, note upon .... .... .... .... 146

X INDEX.

FAOB

Months, Jewish names of, are Assyrian .... .... .... .... .... 50

Mordecai, his name derived from that of the deity Marduk .... .... 110

Moses, his account of the deluge examined .... .... .... .... 226

Mugeyer, or Mugheir, possibly the ancie:it Surippac .... .... .... 218

Miipallidhat-Serua, mother of Carduuiyas .... .... .... .... .... 122

Mysteries of the Assyrian religion .... .... .... .... .... .... 35

Naba-dwipa, an Indian city, why so called .... .... .... .... 271

Nabuchodoncsar, possibly Sardanapalus .... .... .... .... .... 158

„ the same as Thonosconcolerus .... .... .... .... 163

„ called also Machoscolerus .... .... .... .... 163

Nana, an Assyrian goddess, her statue recaptured from Elani by Assurbanipal 172

Narain-gunge, an Indian city near the Bay of Bengal .... .... .... 270

Nazibiigas, made king by the Kossi .... .... .... .... .... 122

„ overthrown by Belnirari .... .... .... .... .... 144

Nebo, an Assyrian deity, aids in producing the flood .... .... .... 221

„ identified with the Aryan deity Mitra .... .... .... .... 246

Nebo-pal-iddina, king of Babylon, his alliance with Shalmaneser.... .... 136

Nebo-sezi-bani, his name given to I'sammitichus by the Assyi'iaus .... 364

Nebo-sum-iscun, king of Babylon, destroyed in battle .... .... .... 134

Nebuchadnezzar builds the temple at Dian-nisi .... .... .... .... 33

„ defeats Pharaoh Necho .... .... .... .... .... 151

„ king of Babylon, his war with Assnr-ris-ilim ... .... 127

„ „ builds the wall of Babylon .... .... 148

Nebu-shasban, the same name as Nebu-sezi-bani .... .... .... 364

Nebbi Yunas, still unexplored .... .... .... ... .... .... 327

Negus, origin and significance of the title .... .... .... .... 3

Nehemiah, see Ezra .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 110

Nergal, an Assyrian deity, aids in producing the flood .... .... 221

Nile, the river, metaphors from .... .... .... .... .... .... 355

Nimrod, probably the Babylonian counterpart of Assur.... .... .... 243

„ and the Assyrian inscriptions, by Rev. A. H. Sayce .... .... 243

„ probably the same as Merodach .... .... .... .... .... 244

Nineveh, on the date of the fall of, by J. W. Bosanquet .... .... 147

Ninip, an Assyrian deity, aids in producing the flood .... .... .... 221

Ninkigal, lord of Hades .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 183

„ queen of Hades, her furious character.... .... .... .... 347

Nipur, probably the ancient Calneh .... .... .... .... .... 248

Nizir, the ark stops on the mountains of .... .... .... .... 222

Noah, parallel between his ark and that of Sisit .... .... .... 226

" No return," Land of, the Assyrian name for Hades .... .... .... 183

Cannes, the fish deity, supposed to have risen from the Persian Gulf .... 233

Olympiads, a mistake to consider their succession uninterrupted .... .... 289

„ error of two years in the date of the first .... .... .... 289

„ origin of the two year.s' error in ... .... .... .... 298

„ really began in B.C. 77S not 776 .., .... .... .... 300

„ the first eighty-seven are two years in error .... .... .... 299

„ their connexicm with the Golden Age of Gi'cece .... .... 289

Olympic Games, interrupted by the Leprean war .... .... .... .... 298

" One in His Workx," a title of Amen-Ra .... .... 253

INDEX. XI

PAGE

Ophir, on the site of, hy A. M. Cameron .... .... .... .... .... 267

„ certainly not Ceylon..,. .... .... .... .... „.. ..., 278

„ 20,000 miles, by coast, from Ezion-geber .... .... .... ... 284

„ pi'obably Eastern Bengal .... .... .... .... .... .... 286

„ som'ces of information respecting .... .... ... .... .... 278

„ thought to be the Aurea Chersonesus .... .... .... .... 279

Oppert, Dr., his account of Shamsi-vul .... .... .... .... .... 167

Orchamus, the same as Urhamsi .... .... .... .... .... .... 218

Orion, analogies between Orion and Merodach .... .... .... .... 245

Osirian myths, their late date .... .... .... .... ... .... 251

Otidrtes, the same as Ardates, which see .... .... .... .... .... 229

Poenulus of Plautus, notes by Mr. Cull upon the Phoenician passage in the 102

„ see Plautus .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 235

Palestine, claimed to be conquei'ed by Assur-bel-cala .... .... .... 132

Palibothra, the ancient name of Patna .... .... .... .... .... 268

Pultipbagi, an epithet applied to the Phoenicians .... .... .... .... 237

Papyri Anastasi, see Amen.

Papyrus Boulaq, No. 17, translated .... .... . .. .... .... 253

Parallels between the history of Isaiah and the Assyrian annals .... .... 328

Parthians used cuneiform inscriptions .... .... .... .... .... 143

Patna, the ancient Palibothra .... .... .... .... .... ... 268

Perak, the Malayan name for silver .... .... .... ... .... 284

Persian Gulf, the centre of old Babylonian traditions .... .... .... 233

Pharaoh, an Egyptian prayer to him as a Deity .... .... .... .... 359

„ meaning of the name, according to De Rouge ,... .... .... 196

Pharaoh-Necho defeated by Nebuchadnezzar .... .... .... .... 151

Phoenician and Hebrew languages, their affinities .... .... .... .... 236

Phoenicians, great eaters of cereals.... .... .... ... .... .... 237

„ the ancient reputation for carpentry .... .... .... .... 236

Phulus, a more than suspicious name .... .... .... .... .... 142

Phyrcon, the fort, attacked by the Lacedsemonians .... .... .... 298

Pillar of stones erected by Izdubar to commemorate the deluge .... .... 226

Plautus, date of his composition of the Poenulus .... .... .... .... 235

„ notes by Mr. Cull upon the Poenulus of .... .... .... .... 102

„ on the Phoenician passage in the Poenulus of, by Rev. J. M. Rodwell 235

Pliny, his account of divination by cups .... .... .... .... .... 116

Plural prepositions traceable in Biblical Hebrew .... .... .... .... 301

Prachii, the, colonised Taprobane .... .... .... .... .... .... 268

Prayer, Assyrian, for forgiveness of sins .... .... .... .... .... 60

„ to Ishtar .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 30

„ to Marduk 30

„ to the King as a Deity .... .... .... .... .... .... 359

Prepositions, Egyptian, note on, by P. le Page Renouf .... .... .... 301

Prideaux, Captain P. W., note on M. Lenonnant's " Letter sur I'lnscription

dedicatoire Himyaritique du Temple du Dieu Yat'a ^ Abian " ,.., 333

Prideaux, Captain W. F., recent discoveries in South-Western Arabia .... 1

„ „ translation of the inscription of Abyan .... 336

Proper names, remarks upon Hebrew Proper Names .... .... .... 92

Prostration in devotion, an Assyrian custom .... .... ... .... 53

Psammetichus, king of Athribis, named by the Assyrians Nebo-sezib-ani.... 364

„ placed on the thi-one of Egypt by the Greeks .... .... 176

Ptah, very early worshipped in Egypt .... .... .... .... .... 251

Punishment, future, of the wicked, Assyrian belief in ..,. 346

xii INDEX.

PAGE

Ra, the eyes of Ka said to possess creative powers..., .... .... .... 261

Raidan, coin of .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 5

„ its true site .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 10

Raven, a, sent forth from the ark by Sisit .... .... .... .... 222

Religious belief of the Assyrians, by H. Fox Talbot, No. II. .... .... 29

No. Ill 50

No. IV 316

Ronan, Professor, his translation of the Now Moabite Stone .... .... 146

Renouf, P. le Page, note on Egyptian Projjositions .... .... .... 301

Rezin, king of Syria, his defeat by Shalmaneser .... .... .... .... 322

Righteous man, Assyrian poem upon the death of the .... .... .... 31

Rimmon-i)al-iddin ca2)turcs King Adar-pileser .... .... .... .... 125

" River of Night," the Assyrian name for the milky way .... .... 53

Rodwell, Rev. J. M., his translation of a magical inscription .... .... 116

„ on the PhcEuician passage in the Poenulus of Plautus 235

„ Remarks upon a Terra Cotta Vase .... .... .... 114

Romans, the, conquer the Himyarites

Saba, an early name for Sheba .... .... .... .... .... .... 283

Sachi-bunder, an Indian town, why so called .... .... .... .... 272

Sacramentum, various meanings of the word .... .... .... .... 37

Salike, a late name of Ta^jrobano .... .... .... .... .... .... 267

Samat 'ali, pedigree of dynasty of .... .... .... .... .... .... 13

Samaria captured by Sargon .... .... .... .... .... .... 177

Sammuramat, legend of .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 157

Sardanapalus, date of the fall of ... .... .... .... .... .... 169

„ possibly the same as Nabuchodonosor .... .... .... 158

Sargon, king of Assyria, captures Samaria.... .... .... .... .... 177

„ „ date of his war against Merodaeh Baladan .... 326

„ „ receives tribute from Ithamar, king of the Sabanius 194

Saul-mugina, king of Babylon, cast by his brother into a burning fiery furnace 361

Sayce, Rev. A. H., on Nimrod and the Assyrian inscriptions .... .... 243

„ Synchronous History of Assyria and Babylonia .... 119

Scriptural parallels to Assyrian phrases .... .... ... .... .... 51-53

Seba and Sheba, the two races of .... .... .... .... .... .... 2

„ list of their deities .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 18

„ possibly the people of 'Ad .... .... .... .... .... .... 2

„ probably united with Sheba, B.C. 700 .... .... .... .... 2

„ see also Himyarites .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 4

Sechem and An, the ancient names of Letojiolis and Heliopolis .... .... 309

„ Joseph's Tomb at .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 80

Self-mutilation practised by the Assyrians .... .... .... .... 52

Self-wounding in honour of Ishtar.... .... .... .... .... .... 53

Semiramis, see Sammuramat .... .... .... .... .... .... 157

Semitic prepositions are substantives in a construct state .... .... .... 301

Sennacherib, king of Assyria, inventor of the punishment of death in the

lion's den .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 362

Sennacherib, the same as " king J.areb," or Sennac-jarib .... .... .... 178

.Sentences, holy, placed by the Assyrians to protect their doors .... .... 55

Seti, king of Egypt, quotation from the .sarcophagus of .... .... .... 252

Set, or Typlion, evil tliin>;s oreatud from tlie eyes of .... .... .... 261

Seven, evil spirits expelled from the body.,,. ,, , ,, .... ,... 59

INDEX. xiii

FAGU

Seven, the sanctity of the number among the Assyrians .... .... .. . 58

„ spirits, song of .... .... .... ___, _ _ ' ' eg

Shahnaneser, king of Assyria, allies himself with Ncbo-pal-iddina" .... 136

» » assists Merodach-sam-iddin .... .... 138

» „ defeats Benhadad and Ahab .... .... 136

» » probably an usurper .... .... 325

" » proved to have ascended the throne, B.C. 727 321

revolts against Tiglath-Pileser, B.C. 728 .... 325

Sheba, early called Saba .... .... .... ..__ . ._ 283

„ see Seba .... .... .... .... . " " o

„ the same as Java .... .... .... " 287

Shemas causes a flood .... .... .... .. " ' 291

Shemitic languages, a J-^ conjugation in .... ' 83

Shemtob, Mr., discovers an Assyrian vase at Hillah ."' 114

Shipwreck of Tammaritu, king of Elam .... .... .... ' ^2

Sichseus, husband of Dido, his name derived from the same root as Zaccliaus 242

Sin, see Inherited siu .... .... .... .... . cy

Sinhala-dwipa, the ancient name of Ceylon .... .... . 267

Sins and trespasses, vivid ideas of the Assyrians upon .'." 59

Sisit, address of his wife to, after the flood .... ' " 224

„ an Assyrian patriarch, who received immortahty 217

„ commanded by Hea to build an ark .... .... .... ' 219

„ his conversation with Izdubar .... .... .... . . 218

„ leaves the ark.... .... .... .... _. . 293

„ relates to Izdubar the story of the flood .... .... .... 219

„ sends forth a dove from the ark .... .... .... . .. 222

„ sends forth a raven from the ark .... .... .... .... 222

„ sends forth a swallow from the ai'k .... .... .... ... 222

„ the Xisuthrus of the Greeks .... .... .... .... . 217

„ translated by the gods .... .... .... ... ... 224

Sistrum, the, worn by children as the badge of Hathar .... . " 356

Sisuthrus, see Xisuthrus .... .... .... ... .... 2'>'7

Smith, George, his translation of a brick of Cyrus.... .... .... 143

„ on a New Tragment of the Assyrian Canon belonging to

the reigns of Tiglath-Pileser and Shalmaneser 321

„ the Chaldean account of the deluge .... .... ... 213

Society of Biblical Archseology, rules of .... .... xxv xxvi

Solar origin of Babylonian Mythology .... .... .... ' 246

Sonargaon, an Indian city, meaning of the name ... .... .... " 287

„ probably the capital of Ophir .... .... .... .... .. 286

Song of the Seven Spirits .... .... .... .... .... ... " eg

„ regarding the Mamit .... .... .... .... .... . . ' ^q

Sophir, an early Coptic name for India .... .... .... 279

Soul, the, according to the Egyptians, possessed two natures 262

„ Assyrian idea of .... .... .... .... 32

Spirits, evil, Assyrian belief in .... .... .... ' 41

seven in number

Sumatra, a colony of Taprobane .... .... .... .... ... 282

Sun, the, called by the Assyrians " Judge of Men " .... 32 350

„ called also " Destroyer of the Wicked" .... .... 34 35Q

Sun worship, the central doctrine of Egyptian religion .... .... .... 250

Surippac, probably the same as Mugeyer .... .... .... 248

Surippak, an ancient Chaldean city.... .... .... .... .... .._ 219

Swallow, a, sent forth from the ark by Sisit .... .... .... ... 222

xiv INDEX.

PAOB

J-) Conjugation, see Cull, R.

Talbot, H. Fox, Illustrations of the Book of Daniel from the Assyrian

inscriptions .... .... .... ... .... .... 360

„ on the Future Punishment of the Wicked, a doctrine of

the Assyrian religion .... .... .... .... .... 346

„ on the Religious Belief of the Assyrians, No. II. .... 29

No. Ill 50

No. IV 346

„ on the legend of Ishtar descending into Hades .... .... 179

Talismans and amulets, Assyrian belief in.... .... .... .... .... 54!

Tammaratu, king of Elam, accovint of the shipwreck of .... .... .... 72

Taprobane, called subsequently Salike .... .... .... .... .... 267

„ great overland trade of .... .... .... .... .... .... 276

„ great population of .... .... .... .... .... .... 277

„ its extent .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 268

„ life preserved to 100 years in .... .... .... .... .... 275

„ on the site of Ophir and Taprobane .... .... .... .... 267

„ eighteen points of analogy between it and Tippera .... 269-277

„ the same as Tippera .... .... .... .... .... ..- 269

Thales, eclipse of, B.C. 585 161

Tharshish, its probable locality .... .... .... .... .... .... 281

Thibet, properly T'Bhot— the land of Bhot 286

Thonosconcolerus, the same as Nabuchodonosor .... .... .... .... 163

Thucydides, his account of the Leprean war .... .... .... .... 293

Tiggaba, an Assyrian city, so named from its lofty Acropolis .... .... 196

Tiglath-Pileser, king of Assyria, date of his war with Rezin, king of Syria 323

„ „ defeated by Shalmaneser, B.C. 727 .... 325

„ „ his war with Merodach-iddin-akhi .... 130

Tin found most in the Malay peninsula .... .... .... .... .... 284

Tippera, its monarchy elective .... .... .... .... .... .... 272

„ kingdom of, the same as Taprobane .... .... .... .... 269

„ life preserved to 100 years in .... .... .... .... .... 275

Tirhakah, king of Ethiopia, doubtful if he began to reign B.C. 701 .... 327

Tuculti-adar, king, probably founds a Semitic dynasty at Babylon .... 125

Tj-phon, see Set 261

Ubaratutu, the father of Sisit 217

Ukni stone, a precious gem among the Assyrians 223

Unfaithful consorts, their punishment in Hades, according to Assyrian belief 347

Urhamsi, a companion of Izdubar in his travels .... .... .... .... 218

Van, see Ban, a common Indian suffix .... .... .... .... .... 270

Vase, Terra Cotta, remarks upon an Assyrian, by Rev. J. M. Rodwell .... 114

Vincent, Dean, criticism on his notes to the Periplus 16

Vul, an Assyrian deity, aids in producing the flood .... 221

Wadd, an Himyaritic deity.... .... .,.. .... .... .... .... 9

" 7r«<er 0/ X//e," drank in Hades by tlie goddess Ishtar 184

INDEX. XV

PAGE

West, the, its significance in ancient theologies ,... .... .... .... 188

Winged bull, a, conquered by Izdubar .... .... .... .... .... 217

Xerxes, the Ahasuerus of the Book of Esther .... .... .... .... 110

Xisuthrus, said by Berosus to be the son of Ardates .... .... .... 227

„ the same aa the Assyrian patriarch Sisit .... .... .... 217

Yaouah, a Dyak name for the Supreme Being .... .... .... .... 265

Yat'a, an Himyaritic deity .... .... .... .... .... .... .... 333

Zacynthus, the modern Zante .... .... .... .... .... .... 291

Zeus sends a dream to deceive Agamemnon .... .... .... .... 184

Zhafar, early date of the city of .... .... .... .... .... .... 3

Vol. it. 26

xvi LUt of Members,

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.

LIST OF MEMBERS, January, 1874.

MarJced thus * are Members of the Council.

AiNswoETH, TV. F., Esq., P.S.A., F.E.G.S., Eavenscourt Villa,
Hammersmith, S.W.

Amhuest, William A. T., Esq., E.S.A., E.E.S.L., E.E.S., &c.,
Didiington Park, Brandon, Norfolk.

Attwood, Eev. G., Eramlingliam Eectory, Wickham Market.
*Angfs, Eev. Jos., D.D., Eegent's Park, N.W.

Andeesok, J. CoEBET, EsQ., Croydon, Surrey.

Babington, Eev. Chuechill, D.D., E.E.S.L., Cockfield Eectory,
Sudbury, Suffolk.

Bagstee, Henet T., Esq., 15, Paternoster Eow, E.G.
*BiECH, Samuel, Esq., K.E., LL.D., E.E.S.L., &c., British
Museum, W.C. {President.)

Blackee, Louis, Esq., Elowermead, Wimbledon Park, S.W.

Blackett, Eev. W. E., M.A., 65, Bedford Street, Liverpool.

BoLDEN, Eev. C, Preston Bissett, Buckingham.
*BoNOMi, Joseph, Esq., Curator, Sir John Soane's Museum, W.C.
*BosANQUET, James W., Esq., F.E.A.S., JVJ.E.A.S., &c., 73, Lorn-
bard Street, E.G. (Treasurer.)

BosA^QUET, Samuel E., Esq., Diugestou Gourt, Monmouth.

BoscawejS^, Eev. W, H., B.A., Marchweil, Wrexham.

BouGHi, SiGNOE E., Gamera Dei Deputati, Eome.

BoAVDEN, Eev. Ghaeles H., The Oratory, Brompton, S.W.
*BoTLE, W. E. A., Esq., 7, Ghurch Street, Kensington, W.

Beamley-Mooee, Eev. W., M.A., 19, Woburn Square, W.C.

Beown, J., Esq., F.E.A.S., Brantholme, Kendal, Westmoreland.

Beown, J. EoBBETS, EsQ., 84, Gaversham Eoad, N.W.

Beown, Wm. Henet, Esq., 49, Eussell Eoad, Kensington, W.

Beown, E., Jun., F.S.A., Barton-on-Humber, Lincolnshire.

List Of Members. xvii

BuGBY, Wm., Esq., 3, Wilton Villas, Shepherds Bush, W.

Bullock, Eey. W. T., M.A., Kensington Palace, S.W.

BuNSEN, Eenst De, Esq., Abbey Lodge, Hanover Gate, N.W.

BuKNS, Wm. Alfhed, Esq., 242, Caledonian Eoad, N.

BuETON, SiK WiLLiiM W., Melcombe Villa, Pittville, Cheltenham.

BuETON, Eev. E. Cleeke, Taversham, Norwich.

Buxton, Wilmot, Esq., E.E.A.S., 77, Chancery Lane, E.G.

Cameeon, Alexandee Mackenzie, Borneo.

Camps, E., Esq., M.D.,

Campbell, Eey. Peincipal, Presbyterian College, Montreal.

Cates, Aethue, Esq., 7, Whitehall Yard, S.W.

Cesnola, Gen. Di, U.S. Consul, Larnaca, Cyprus.

Chalmees, John, Esq., Castle Bank, Merchiston, Edinburgh.

Chambeelain, Eey. Catoe, M.A., 117, West Street, Farebam.

Chaelton, E., Esq., M.D., F.S.A., 7, Eldon Square, Newcastle-
on-Tyno.

Chevalliee, Ed&ecumbe, Esq., E.E.A.S., Knysna, Cape Colony.
Chetne, Eey. E. K., M.A., BalHol College, Oxford.
*Cheistt, Thos., Esq., Jun., 155, Fenchurch Street, E.G.

Cheistt, Thos. Howaed, Esq., 64, Claverton Street, Grosvenor
Square, W.

Claek, John, Esq., 133, Upper Kennington Lane, S.E.

Claeke, C. Haewood, Esq., B.A., F.S.A., Westfield, Bromley,
Kent. •'

Clibboen, Edw., Esq., Curator, Eoyal Irish Academy, Dublin.

Coenthwaite, Eev. T., The Forest, Walthamstow, E.

Coles, Eey. J. B., M.A., Woodham Walter, Maldon, Essex.

Collins, James, Esq., F.E.S., 17, Arthur Street, Deptford.

Cook, Eey. Feancis C.,M.A., Canon of Exeter, Devon. (Vice-
President.)

Cooke, Geo. Edw., Esq., F.E.M.S., 15, Manby Terrace, Ken-
nington Park.

Coopee, Eey. Basil, B.A., F.E.S.L., 8, Horncastle Terrace,
Fonthill Eoad, N.

*CooPEE, W.E., Esq., 5,EichmondGrove, Barnsbury , N. {Secretary.)

CossoN, M. Le Baeon C. A. De, L'Hermitage, Amboise, Indre

et Loire, France.
Cox, Dayid, Esq., 2, New Park Eoad, Brixton, S.
Ceespin, Edgae, Esq., 28, Torrington Square, W.C.
*CuLL, EiCHAED, EsQ., F.S.A., 13, Tavistock Street, Bedford

Square, W.C.

*CuEEET, Eey. Geoegb, D.D., Master, Charterhouse, Aldersgate

Street, E.C. ^

cviii List of Members.

Day, St. Johk Vincent, Esq., C.E., F.E.C.S., S.E., Gorthamlock
House, Shellertou, Glasgow.

David, Ret. Wm., M.A., Colleton Crescent, Exeter.

Deax, W. H., Esq., 23, Camden Road, Holloway, N.

De La Rue, Wabeen, Esq., F.R.S., D.C.L., F.it.A.S., 73, Port-
land Place, W.

Denton, Rev. Wm., M.A., 22, Westbourne Square, W.
^Donaldson, Pkoeessor T. L., K.L., Ph.D., &c., 21, Upper
Bedford Place, "W. {Foreign Secretary.)

Douglas, Rev. De., Free Church College, Glasgow.
*Deach, S. M., Esq., F.R.A.S., F.R.G.S., 74, Offord Road, N.
DuMEEGUE, Captain, "Windsor Terrace, Douglas, Isle of Man.
Dykes, Rev. J. Osavald, M.A., 74, Oakley Square, N.W.
Eadie, Rev. John, D.D., LL.D., 6, Thornville Terrace, Glasgow.
Ekmund, Oscae, Goteburg, Sweden.
EspiN, Rev. Thomas, B.D., Chancellor of Chester.
Evans, Stephen, Esq., Bryntirion, Upper Hornsey Lane, N.
Faeeell, Isaac, Esq., 8, Leinster Square, Rathmiues, Dublin.

*F£EGUssoN, James, D.C.L., F.R.S.A., F.R.I.B,A., 9, Langhani

Place, W.
Feeey, Benjamin, Esq., F.S.A., F.R.I.B. A., 42, Inverness Terrace,

Bays water, W.
FiNLATSON, Rev. John, M.A., 60, Lower Baggot Street, Dublin.
FoESMAN,' A. St. John, Esq., The Lodge, Culmore, Londonderry.
*FoETNUM, C. Deuey, Esq., F.S.A., Stanmore Hill, Middlesex.
Fowlee, Rev. J. F., M.A., F.S.A., Hatfield Hall, Durham.
Fox, Chaeles, Esq., Trebah, Falmouth.
Feanks, Augustus W., Esq., M.A., V.P.S.A., F.R.S.L., British

Museum, W.C.
Gadsbt, John, Esq., F.R.G.S., Lancaster House, Finchley, N.W.
Gaebett, E. L., Esq., 7, Mornington Road, N.W.
Geikie, Rev. Cunningham, D.D., F.R.G.S., 3, Rosedale Villa

West Duhvich, S.E.
Geldaet, Eev. G. C, M.A., 14, Haverstock Hill.
GiBB, Rev. John, M.A,, PresbYterian College, Queen's Square,

W.C.
Gibbon, J. A., Esq., Crescent Lodge, Peckham Rye, S.W.
GiFFOED, Haedinge STANLEY, EsQ., Q.C., 12, Chester Place,

Hyde ]?ark Square, AV.
GiNSBURG, CheistianD., Esq., Ph.D., Binfield, Bracknell, Herts.
Gleichen, Count, R.N., Engine Court, St. James's Palace, S.W.
*Gl.vi)stone, Right Hon. W. E., M.P., D.C.L., F.S.S., 11 Carlton

House Terrace, W. {Vice-President.)

List of Members. xix

Gladstone, J. Hall, Esq., Ph.D., P.R.S., 17, Pembridge Square,

W.
GoLDSCHMiDT, M., 35, Porchester Terrace, W. ; aud Gamle

Kongever, Copenhagen.
Gorman, Rev. T. Mukbat, 13, Campden Grove, Kensington, W.
GossE, PinLLip H., Esq., F.E.S., V.P.S.S., E.A., Sandhurst

Torquay.
Geifeith, D. Clewin, Esq., F.E.G.S., 117, Gower Street, W.C.
Grote, George, Esq., Crystal Palace, Sydenham, S.E.
Gurnet, J. H., Esq., Marlden, Totnes.
Guest, E., Esq., LL.D., Master, Caius and Gonville College,

Cambridge.
Guthrie, Col. Charles Seton, 107, Great Eussell Street, E.C.
Haigh, Eev. D. H., M.A., Erdington, near Birmingham.
Hale, C. G., Esq., 8, Copthall Court, E.C.

Hamilton, Eight Hon. Lord Claud, M.P., 9, Eaton Square, W.
^Harrison, Charles, Esq., 10, Lancaster Gate, W.
Harrison, J. Park, Esq., M.A., Garlands, Ewliurst, Guddford.
Harrison, J. W., Esq., 45, St. Martin's Lane, W.C.
Harvvaed, J., Esq., Winterfoid, Kidderminster.
*Harrowby, Eight Hon. The Earl oe, K.G., D.C.L., 39, Groo-

venor Square, S.W. {Vice-President.)
Harvey, Eight Eev. and Eight Hon. Lord Arthur, Bishop

op Bath and Wells, D.D., The Palace, Wells, Somerset.

Hassell, Joseph, Esq., A.K.C.L,, 27, Loraine Eoad, Holloway, N.
Hat, Eob. J., Esq., M.A., Nunraw, Prestoukirk, N.B.
Heath, Eev. Dunbar I., F.E.S. L., Esher, Surrey,
Henderson, John, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., 3, Montague Street,

Eussell Square, W.C.
Hewlett, Eev. J. Grigg, D.D., 4, Norfolk Villas, Broadway,

South Hackney, jST.E.
Hetwood, Samuel, Esq., M.A,, 171, Stanhope Street, N.W.
Hill, F. Morlet, Esq., G, Eichmond Gi*ove, Barnsbury, N.
Hodges, E. E., Esq., Ph.D., 6, Henry Place, Peckham, S.E.
Holland, Eev. F. W., M.A., 38, Bryanstone Street, W.
Holmes, John E., Esq., Holmsville, Methley, Leeds.
Houghton, Eev. William, M.A., Preston Eectory, Wellington,

Salop.
Howard, J. E., Esq., F.S.S., &c.. Lordship Lane, Tottenham^ IST.
Howorth, Henrt A., Esq., F.S.S., F.E.M.S., Derby House,

Eccles, Manchester.
Hunter, Eev.Eobt., M.A., F.G.S., 9, Mecklenburgh Street, W.C.
Jenkins, B. G., Esq., 4, Buccleuch Road, West Dulwich, S.E.

X List of Members.

Jennee, TnoMAS, Esq., 31, Brixton Eoad, S.W.

Johnson, Rev. J., Home and Colonial Schools, Graj's Inn Eoad.

Jokes, Ret. Alfeed, M.A., Master's House, Aske's Hospital,
Hoxton, N.E.

Jones, Winslow, Esq., Heavitree, Exeter, Devon.

Kasslake, Thomas E., Esq., 3, "West Park, Bristol.

KiNGSBTJET, Eey. T. L., M.A., Eastou Loyal Vicarage, Pewsev,
Wilts.

Lacet, Chaeles J., 1, St. John's Villas, Haverstock Hill, N.W.

Laing, Alexandee E., E.E.G-.S., Newborough-on-Tay, N.B.

Lambeet, GrEOEGE, EsQ., E.S.A., 10, Coventry Street, Hay-
market, W.

Lang, E. Hamilton, Esq., H.B.M.'s Consul, Ottoman, Alex-
andria, Eg^^t.

Laughton, Alfeed, Esq., Constantinople.

Laweence, F., Esq., Brook House, Clapham Common, S.AV.

Leitch, J. MuiE, Esq., 22, Canonbury Place, N.

Lewin, Thomas, Esq., E.S.A., 6, Queen's Gate Place, W.

Lewis, Eev. Samuel S., M.A., Librarian, Corpus Christi College,
Cambridge.

Lewis, Peoeessoe T. Hattee, E.E.S.B.A., 0, John Street,
Adelphi, W.C.

LowY, Eev. J., 160, Portsdown Eoad, N.W.

LiGHTFOOT, Eev. J. B., D.D., Canon of St. Paul's, E.C.

Ltjshington, PeofessoeE. L., B.A., The College, Glasgow, N.B.

Maclaeen, G., Esq., 71, Lansdown Eoad, Netting Hill, W.

Mahaffet, Peofessoe J. P., Trinity College, Dublin.

Malan, Rev. S. C, M.A., E.E.A.S., Prebendary of Worcester,
Broadwindsor, Dorset.

Malfait, Eev. C, St. Mary's, Oscott, Birmingham.

Manning, Eev. Db., 56, Paternoster Eow, E.C.

Mansfeld, Sigismund, Esq., 11, Lausdown Eoad, Notting
Hill, W.

Matee, Joseph, Esq.,^ F.S.A., E.E.A.S., F.E.N.S.A., Pennant
House, Bebbington, Liverpool.

Miland, E., Esq., Clairville, Wimbledon, S.W.

Millee, Eev. G., 10, Bcssborough Gardens, S.W.

Mitchell, J. B., Esq., M.D., M.E.S.L., 14, Thistle Grove, S.W.

MocATTA, David, Esq., F.S.A., 32, Prince's Gate, W.

MoEEis, W. H., Esq., Clifton House, Ealing Eoad, Brentford.
*MoEEisoN, Waltee, Esq., M.P., 77, Cromwell Eoad, S.W.
( Vice-President.)

MoTT, A. J., Esq., Clareraont House, Seaforth, Liverpool.

MuEE.VT, T. Douglas, Esq., 34, Portland Place, W.

List of Members. xxi

Newton, Chables T., Esq., M.A., British Museum, W.C.
^Nicholson, Sie Charles, Baet., M.D., D.C.L., F.E.S.L., F.S.A.,
F,E.S., F.aS.,26, Devonshire Place, Portland Place, W. {Vice-
President.)

Nicholson, William, Esq., A.S.A., Coleford, Gloucestershire.

NoEMAN, J, Manship, Esq., M.A., Dencombe, near Crawley,
Sussex.

NoETHCOTB, Eev. Canon J. SpENCEE, St. Mary's, Oscott, Bir-
mingham.

Paine, Eev. J. A. Beirut.

*Papwoeth, Wyatt a., Esq., E.E.I.B.A., 13, Hart Street, Blooms-
bury, W.C.

Paeish, Eev. W. D., Selmeston, Lewes, Sussex.
Pease, H. P., Esq., J.P., Brinkburn, Darlington.
Peckovee, Alexasdee, Esq., P.E.G.S., Harecroft House,
Wisbeach.

Peeigal, Henet, Esq., 9, North Crescent, Bedford Square, W.C.

Phene, J. W., Esq., E.R.I.B.A., E.S.A., F.G.S., 5, Carlton

Terrace, Oakley Street, S.W.
Phillips, Eev. G. E., M.A., Corpus Christi College, Cambridge.
Piltee, Wm. Tuenbull, Esq., 75, Ashted Eow, Birmingham.
Peitchaed, Iltudus T., Esq., E.E.G.S., 57, Granville Park,

Blackheath, S.E.

Peescott, Eev. Thomas, M.A., Caddington Vicarage, Luton, Beds.
Eansom, Edwin, Esq., E.E.G.S., Kempstone, Bedford.

*Eassam, Hoemtzd, Esq., E.E.G.S., Ailsa Park Lodge, Twicken-
ham, S.W.

*Eawlinson, Eev. Geoege, M.A., D.C.L., Canon of Canterbury.
( Vice-President.')

*Eawlinson, Sie Henet C, K.C.B., D.C.L., E.S.A., E.E.S.,
E.E.G.S., 21, Charles Street, Berkeley Sq., W. {Vice-President.)

Eeadt, E. Coopee, Esq., British Museum, W.C.
*EENoirr, P. Le Page, Esq., P.E.S.L., Council Office, Whitehall,
S.W.
EoBiNSON, Eev. De. Stewaet, Kentucky, U.S.A.

*Eodwell, J, M., Esq., M.A., Douglas House, Highbury New
Park, N.

Eothwell, The Maequis de, 27, Mornington Eoad, N.W.

Eule, Eev. De., 11, Endsleigh Place, Plymouth.
*Satce, Eev. A. H., M.A., Queen's College, Oxford.
*SiMPSON, William, Esq., E.E.G.S., 64, Lincoln's Inn Eields,
W.C. {Librarian.)

Small, Eev. Geoege, M.A., 71, Albert Eoad, Croydon, S.E.

Smith, Geoege, Esq., British Museum, W.C.

xxii List of Members.

*SMiTn, Very Eev. K. Paynf, D.D., JJeau of Canterbury. {Vice-
President.)

Sole, Eev. S., St. Mary's, Oscott, Birmingham.

Stock, Eugene, Esq., Church Sunday School Institute, Fleet
Street, E.C.

TABEUii, BuKNETT, EsQ., 1, Wellington Place, Commercial
Eoad, E.

Talbot, W. Henet Fox, Esq., D.C.L., F.E.S., F.S.A., F.E.S.L.,
Lacock Abbey, Chippenham, Wilts.

Thompson, A. Dtott, Esq., 12, Pembridge Square, Westbcurne
Grove, W.

Thompson, Eev. Aechee, M.A., Brympton, near Yeovil.

Tompkins, Eev. Henet George M.A., Park Lodge, Weston-
super-Mare.

ToOKE, Eev. J. H., M.A., Monkton Farleigh, Wilts.

Teemlett, J.D., Esq., M.A., West End Villas, Frome, Somerset.

Twells, Phillip E,, Esq., Eufield, Middlesex.

Walkee, Eev. J., 67, St. George's Square, S,W.

Wallis, Geoege, Esq., F.E.G.S., South Kensington Museum,
S.W.

Waed, Eev. Peecival, M.A., 55, Onslow Square, W.

Waeington, Geoege, Esq., B.A., F.E G.S., Natal.

Weeks, Caleb, Esq., Union Street, Torquay.

Weie, Eev. A., D.D., Forty Hill Vicarage, Enfield, Middlesex.

Wells, Eev. John, M.A., 8, Lloyd Square, W.C.

Whitbeead, S. Chaeles, Esq., F.E.S., F.E.A.S., Southill, Big-
gleswade.

WiLKS, Chaeles, Esq., 4, Marina Terrace, Douglas, Isle of Man.

WiLKiNS, Dr., Vienna.

Williams, John, Esq., Somerset House, W.C.

Wilson, Majoe C. W., E.E., F.E.G.S., 4, iNew Street, Spring
Gardens, W.

Winstone, Benjamin, Esq., 53, Eussell Square, W.C.

Wise, T. A., Esq., M.D., F.K.C.P.E., 4, Beulah Hill, Nor-
wood, S.E.

Woedsworth, Eev. J., M.A., 1, Keble Terrace, Oxford.

* Wright, Professor William, LL.D., St, Andrews, Station
Eoad, Cambridge.

List of Members. xxiii

LADY MEMBERS.

Best, Miss E., Park House, Boxley, Kent,

Blacker, Mks. L., Flower mead, Wimbledon Park, S.W.

BosA-NQUET, Mrs. J. W., Claysmore, Enfield, Middlesex.

BuETON, Lady, Melcombe Villa, Cheltenham.

Cattlet, Mrs., 34, "VVoburn Square, W.C.

CoLYiN, Mrs. Margaret Home, Earquhar, Stow, N.B.

Douglas, Lady, Bursledon House, Dawlish.

Edelmann, Mrs. A., 24, Montpelier Place, Brighton.

Gage, Hon. Mrs., Firle Place, near Lewes.

Gray, Mrs. Hamllton, 2, South Eaton Place, Belgravia.

Harris, Miss Selima, Alexandria, Egypt.

Hussey, Mrs. S. M., Edenburn, Tralee, Ireland.

IroLD, INIiss Charlotte, South Lodge, Campden Hill, W.

Jones, Mrs. Lavinia, Bradford-on-Avon, "Wilts.

KiNLOCH, Mrs , Gilmerton, Drem, N.B.

Martin, Miss I. M., The Camels, Wimbledon Park, S.W.

MoBERLEY, Miss, 2, Lawn Terrace, Blackheath, S.E.

Peckover, Miss, Wisbeach.

Eadley, Miss M., 6, Belmont Villas, Westminster, S.W.

Eanyerd, Mrs. E., 13, Hunter Street, Brunswick Square, W

EoGEES, Miss, 21, Coburn Street, Bow, E.

Tite, Lady, 42, Lowndes Square, W.C.

HONORARY FOREIGN MEMBERS.

Brugsch, Heinrich

Cairo.

Chabas, Francois . .

Chalon-sur-Saone

DiJMicHEN, Professob

Strasburgh.

Ebers, Georg

Leipzig.

EisENLOHR, August . .

Heidelberg.

EwALD, Professor . .

Gottiugeu.

Ganneau, C. Clermont

Jerusalem.

Hekekyan Bey

Cairo.

HORRACK, J. De

Paris.

Lauth, Professor . .

Munich.

XXIV

List of Members.

Honorary Foreign Meivibers — continued.

Lenokmant, Francois
Lepsius, E. K., Professor
LiNANT, Bet . .

LONGPERIER, A. De . .

Mariette Bet
Maspero, G.
Menant, Joachim
Oppert, Jules
Peanget, Girault De
Prideaux, Captain F. W.
Eogers, E. T., H.B.M. Consul
Saulct, Le Chev. F. De.
schrader, e.
Vogue, Le Comte De
Wing, Tung

Paris.

Berlin.

Cairo.

Paris.

Cairo.

Paris

Havre.

Paris.

Vosges.

Aden.

Cairo.

Paris.

Jena.

Constantinople.

Shanghae.

XXV

Society of Biblical Archeology.

9, CONDUIT STREET, W.
(Founded 9th December, 1870.)

OBJECTS.

This Soci(3ty is instituted for the investigation of the
Archaeology, History, Arts, and Chronology of Ancient and
Modern Assyria, Palestine, Egypt, Arabia, and other Biblical
Lands ; the promotion of the study of the Antiquities of those
countries, and the Record of Discoveries hereafter to be made
in connexion therewith.

II.

For this purpose it is proposed to read, and, as far as is
practicable or desirable, to print original papers upon the
above subjects (especially the transcription and translation
of Ancient Texts), and to give the utmost publicity to the
same.

III.

To form a Fund for the Exploration of Biblical Countries
and the publication of their Antiquities.

rv.

To collect a series of Portfolios for Sketches, Photographs,
MSS. Notes, Data and other Memoranda bearing upon
Biblical Archaeology.

To form a Library of Geographical and Archaeological
Works, and under due regulation to circulate the same
among the Members.

XXVI

VI.

To publish Transactions and to supply the same fi-ee to

all Members.

VII.

The Society to meet at 8.30 p.m., on the first Tuesday
in every month from November to June, both inclusive.

vm.
Theological and Political Papers are not accepted by the
Council, and it is miderstood that the responsibility of every
paper rests ^vith the author.

IX.
Papers proposed to be read at the Monthly Meetings
must be sent to the Secretary on or before the 10th of
the prececHng month.

MEMBERSHIP.

Ladies and Gentlemen desirous of becoming Members of
the Society are requested to communicate by letter -uath the
Secretary, Mr. W. R. Cooper, 9, Conduit Street, W., who will
submit then- names to the Council, by whom all Candidates
are nominated. The Subscription is one guinea per annum
for Gentlemen, and half a guinea for Ladies, payable in
advance, which entitles the Member to receive all the Pub-
hcations and attend all the meetings of the Society.

There is no entrance fee.

The Library (temporarily under the care of the Secretary)
numbers 1,100 volmnes and 150 pamphlets.

Ilie Secretary wiU gladly receive Donatiuns of Books and
Maps for the Library. A Catalogue is now in preparation.

TRANSACTIONS.

VOL. I. PART I.

CONTENTS.
Introduction (origin of the Society).

The Progress of Biblical Archseology. By De. Biech, F.S.A.
On an Ancient (Assyrian) Eclipse. By H. F. Talbot, D.C.L.
On the Hieroglyphic Tablet of Alexander Aigos. By De. Biech.
The Early History of Babylonia, from the Cuneiform Inscriptions.

By George Smith.
On the Date of the Nativity. By J. W. Bosanquet, F.R.A.S.
On thcEeligious Belief of the Assyrians (No. 1). By H. F. Talbot, D.C.L.
On the Discovery of some Cypriote Inscriptions. By R. Hamilton Lang.
On the Reading of the Cypriote Inscriptions. By George Smith (Plate).
Lettre sur le site de Capharnaum, de Khorazyn, et Beth-Sayda (Julias).

Par M. Le Chev. De Sattlcy.

VOL. I. PART II.

CONTENTS,

On the Translation of the Cypriote Tablet of Dali. By De. Biech, F.S.A.
Hebraeo-^gyjitiaca. Par F. Chabas.

On Cyrus the Second. By J. W. Bosanquet, F.R.A.S. (Maps and Plates.)
Report upon the Prideaux Pentateuch (presented to the Society). By Da.

Schiller Szinessy.
On the Assyrian Mythological Account of Sargon. By H. F. Talbot, D.C.L.
On the Assyrian Verbs Basu, Qabah, and Isu. By R. Cull, F.S.A.
On the Origin of Semitic Civilisation. By Rev. A. H. Sayce, M.A.
On the Topography of Jerusalem. By William Simpson, F.R.G.S.
On the New Moabite Stone. By B. G. Jenkins.

On the Base-Length of the Great Pyramid. By S. M. DsACH, F.R.A.S.
On the Mazzaroth of Job xxxviii, 32. By H. F. Talbot, D.C.L.
On the Use of Papyrus among the Accadians. By Rev. A. H. Sayce, M.A.
A Prayer and a Vision from the Annals of Assurbanipal. By H. F. Talbot, D.C.L.
Addition to the former Paper on Assyrian EcUpses. By the same.
On the Condition of Egypt during a Syrian Invasion. From the Harris Papyrus.

By De. Eisenlohb.
On the Casing Stone of the Great Pyramid. By S. M. Dbach, F.R.A.S.

VOL. II. PART I.

CONTENTS.

Ou the Chaldaean Account of the Deluge. By G-eohoe Smith.

On the Keligious Belief of the Assyrians, Parts II and III. By H. F. Talbot,

D.C.L.
On an Assyrian Magical Vase (Plate). By Ret. J. M. Rod-well, M.A.
On the Tomb of Joseph at Shechem. By Prof. Dokaldsok, K.L., F.S.A. (Plate).
On Discoveries in South-West Arabia (with Himyaritic Texts). By Capt. F. W.

Peideatix.
On the J^ Conjugation in Assyrian and Semitic Languages. By R. Cull, F.S.A.
On the Coincidences of the Histories of Ezra and Neliemiah. By Rev. Daniel

H. Haigh, M.A.
The Synchronous History of Assyria and Babylonia. Translated from the

Tablets. By Rev. A. H. Sayce, M.A.
On the Assyrian Legend of the Descent of Ishtar into Hades. By H. F. Talbot,

D.C.L.
On the Date of the Fall of Babylon. By J. W. Bosanqxtet, F.R.A.S.

IIABRISON AND SONS, PBlNTEBfi IN OBDINAST TO UEB MAJESTY, ST. MABTIN'S LANE.

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